I cannot, therefore, sir, but think it necessary, that if this clause be suffered to pass, some part of its hateful consequences should be prevented by an exception in favour of freeholders and voters, which, surely, is no less than what every man owes to his own security, to the welfare of his country, and to those by whom he has been honoured with the care of their liberties.

Mr. Henry PELHAM then said, as follows:—­Sir, I do not rise in opposition to the proposal made by that right honourable member, nor do I think this the proper time either for opposing or approving it.  Method is of the highest importance in inquiries like these; and if the order of the debate be interrupted by foreign questions, or incidental objections, no man will be able to consider the clauses before us with the attention necessary to his own satisfaction, or to the conviction of others; the mind will be dissipated by a multiplicity of views, and nothing can follow but perplexity and confusion.

The great end, sir, for which we are now assembled, is to strike out methods of manning the fleet with expedition and certainty.  It is, therefore, proper, in the first place, to agree upon some general measures, to each of which there may, undoubtedly, be particular objections raised, that may be afterwards removed by exceptions or provisions; but these provisions should, for the sake of order, be inserted in particular clauses, to be separately considered.

Of this kind is the exception now offered, to which I have no objection but its present impropriety, and the interruption of the debate which it may now occasion; for I see, at present, no reason against admitting it in a particular clause.

When it is considered how much the success of the war may depend upon the determinations of this day, and how much our future happiness and security may depend upon the success of our present undertakings, I hope my solicitude for regularity and expedition will be easily excused.

Sir Hind COTTON answered:—­I am not able, sir, to discover any imminent danger to the nation in suspending our attention to the clause before us, for a few moments; nor, indeed, do we cease to attend to it, while we are endeavouring to mollify it, and adapt it to our constitution.

The exception proposed is, in the opinion of the honourable gentleman, so reasonable, that he declares himself ready to approve it in another place; and, to me, no place seems more proper of its making part of this bill than this.  As a connexion between the clause and exception appears necessary and immediate, I cannot see why it should be postponed, unless it is hoped that it may be forgotten.

Mr. PULTENEY then spoke:—­Sir, that this exception should be forgotten there is no danger; for how long soever it be delayed, I will never agree to the act till I see it inserted.  If we suffer the liberty of the freeholders to be infringed, what can we expect but to be charged with betraying our trust, and giving up to servitude and oppression those who deputed us to this assembly, as the guardians of their privileges, and the asserters of their birthright; a charge too just to be denied, and too atrocious to be borne.