on.  The new administration reclaimed as national property all that it could of the terrenos baldios, or public lands, which under Diaz had been rapidly merging into the great estates.  It established a government bank for the purpose of making loans on easy terms, and thus assisting the poor to take up and work these public lands in small parcels.  Even before becoming President, Madero had advised the working men to organize and demand a living wage, which they did.  He attacked the lotteries, the bull-fights, the terrible pulque trust, the unbridled traffic of which, more than any other one factor, has contributed to the degradation of the lower classes.  He began to extend the public-school system.

From the first the Cientificos hampered and impeded him.  To foment a counter-revolution they took advantage of the fact that in various parts of the country there were disorderly bands of armed men committing numerous depredations.  These men had risen up in the shadow of the Maderista revolution, and at its close, instead of laying down their arms, they devoted themselves to the looting of ranches and ungarrisoned isolated towns.  Of these brigands—­for they were neither more nor less, whatever they may have called themselves then or may call themselves now—­the most formidable was Emiliano Zapata.  His alleged reason for continuing in arms after the surrender of the dictatorship was that his men had not been paid for their services.  President De la Barra paid them, but their brigandage continued.  And at the most critical moment Pascual Orozco, Jr., Madero’s trusted lieutenant, in command of the military forces of Chihuahua, issued—­on the heels of reiterated promises of fealty to the Government—­a pronunciamiento in favor of the revolution and delivered the state which had been entrusted to his keeping to the revolutionists, at whose head he now placed himself.

The new malcontents declared that Madero had betrayed the revolution, and that they were going to overthrow him and themselves carry out the promises he had made.  This sounds heroic, noble, and patriotic, but will not bear close inspection.  In the first place, many of the revolutionists with whom the new faction allied itself had been in arms since before Madero was even elected—­a trivial circumstance, however, which did not seem to shake their logic.  Moreover, as any honest, fair-minded person must have recognized, the promises of Madero were not such as he could fulfil with a wave of his hand or a stroke of his pen.  They were big promises and they required time and careful study for their successful undertaking and the cooperation of the people at large against the public enemies, whereas Madero was not given time nor favorable circumstances nor the intelligent cooperation of any but a small proportion of the population.

As a matter of fact, Madero himself, far from overstating the benefits of the revolution led by him or making unwise promises of a Utopia impossible of realization, addressed these words to the Mexican people at the close of that conflict:  “You have won your political freedom, but do not therefore suppose that your economic and social liberty can be won so suddenly.  This can only be attained by an earnest and sustained effort on the part of all classes of society.”