In justice to the Russian Government it should be stated, however, that the joy of persecution was not the motive which led to the arbitrary acts.  During the time that Finland was under Swedish control, the Finns had learned to dislike everything Russian.  These anti-Russian tendencies were accentuated, after Finland became an appanage of the Russian crown, by the restrictive and often reactionary policy of the Imperial Government.  Such a form of government was repugnant to the Finns, who had learned to be governed by good laws well administered, and by an enlightened public opinion.  At the same time, owing to their larger liberties, their higher culture, and their susceptibility to western ideals, the Finns exerted an attractive influence over the peoples of the Baltic provinces, and even of Russia proper.  A Finn would very seldom become Russianized, while many Russians became Finnicized.  Unlike his Russian brother, the Finn enjoyed the privileges of free conscience, free speech, and free press.

To the average Russian such a life was enchanting, and many were so fascinated that they became citizens of Finland.  In order to do so, however, they were obliged to go through the formality of changing their nationality and becoming subjects of the Grand Duchy.  Doubtless this was distasteful to the Russians, but so many and so great were the advantages accruing from such a change that not a few renounced their nationality.

Such a state of affairs seemed unnatural and antagonistic to the propaganda of the Panslavistic party.  Instead of Russian ideals pervading the province, provincial ideals, manners, and customs were gradually spreading into the empire.  But there seemed to be no honorable way of checking the progress of the rapidly growing Finnish nationality.  The Finns maintained that their rights and privileges and their laws rested upon an inviolable constitution, which could be changed only by a vote of the four estates of the Landtag.  That body would never yield.

It was at this juncture that the Procurator of the Holy Synod conceived the idea that the fundamental rights of the Finns can be curtailed in so far as they interfere with those of the empire.  Acting according to this new idea the Imperial Government in 1899 took for its pretext the army service of the Finns.  Heretofore, according to a hereditary privilege, the Finns had not been called upon to serve in the Russian Army, and their army service had been only three years to the Russian’s five.  The officers of the Finnish Army were to be Finns, and this army could not be called upon to serve outside of the Grand Duchy.  This was the first fundamental right of the Finns to be attacked by the Russian Government.  In some mysterious way the very insignificant army of Finland “interfered with the general welfare of the Russian Empire.”

Immediately following the Czar’s startling proposal for a disarmament conference in 1899 came his call for a special session of the Finnish Landtag to extend the laws of conscription and the time of regular service from three to five years.  Furthermore, the new law provided that instead of serving in their own country, the Finnish soldiers were to be scattered among the various troops of the empire.  By this means it was hoped to Russianize them.