In July, 1908, the Turkish Revolution broke out.  It was a great and immediate success.  Never in the world’s history had there been so successful a revolution or one so bloodless.  As by magic, Turkey was changed from a medieval State into a modern democracy.  The Turkish masses were rejoicing.  Old feuds were forgotten.  Mohammedans and Christians fraternized.  The words Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, Parliamentarism, and Democracy were on all lips.  Over night a new Turkey had arisen.  Soon the leaders of Young Turkey began to assert the right and claims of the new-born State.  We were told that European intervention in the affairs of Turkey would no longer be tolerated, and that those parts of the Turkish Empire which, though nominally subject to the Sultan, were no longer under Turkish control, would have to be handed back.  Great Britain was to restore Egypt and Austria-Hungary Bosnia and Herzegovina.  Many Englishmen indorsed these claims, and told us that a new era had opened in the East.  At that time only a few people ventured to doubt whether the Turkish Revolution would be a lasting success.  I think I was the only British publicist who immediately and unhesitatingly foretold that Parliamentary Government in Turkey was bound to be a failure, and that it would inevitably lead to the formation of a Balkan Confederation which would attack Turkey.  I said then: 

“European Turkey has about 6,000,000 inhabitants, of whom only about one-third are Turks.

“The Young Turks have the choice of two evils.  They must either follow a Liberal or a Conservative policy.  If they follow a Liberal policy, if they introduce Parliamentary representation, self-government, and majority rule in Turkey in general, and in Macedonia in particular, the Christians will be the majority, and it seems likely that they will then oust the Turkish minority and convert the ruling race into a ruled race.  A Liberal policy will, therefore, bring about the rapid disintegration of the Turkish Empire.

“Foreseeing the danger of allowing the alien elements to be further strengthened, many patriotic Turks have demanded that a vigorous Conservative policy should be pursued which will abolish the national differences among the alien races and between the alien races and the Turks.  They demand that a Turkish national policy should be initiated, that the aliens should be nationalized in Turkish national schools, that Turkish shall be the language of Turkey, that the Greek, Bulgarian, and other schools shall be closed.  Will Bulgaria, Greece, and Servia quietly look on while the work of a generation is being undone?  Will the Greeks, Serbs, and Bulgarians residing in Turkey allow themselves to be denationalized more or less forcibly?  Besides, can they be denationalized against their will except by destroying the Parliamentary and democratic Government, the Constitution of yesterday, and by reintroducing the ancient absolutism in an aggravated form?  Two hundred years ago the Turks could easily have nationalized the alien races by means of the church and the school, but it seems that it is now too late to make an attempt at turning the subject races into Turks.