If the reader will revert again to his atlas he will see very clearly that a strongly consolidated League of Free Nations, even if it consisted only of our present allies, would in itself form a combination with so close a system of communication about the world, and so great an economic advantage, that in the long run it could oblige Germany and the rest of the world to come in to its council.  Divided the Oceanic Allies are, to speak plainly, geographical rags and nakedness; united they are a world.  To set about organizing that League now, with its necessary repudiation on the part of Britain, France, and Italy, of a selfish and, it must be remembered in the light of these things I have but hinted at here, a now hopelessly unpracticable imperialism, would, I am convinced, lead quite rapidly to a great change of heart in Germany and to a satisfactory peace.  But even if I am wrong in that, then all the stronger is the reason for binding, locking and uniting the allied powers together.  It is the most dangerous of delusions for each and all of them to suppose that either Britain, France or Italy can ever stand alone again and be secure.

And turning now to the other aspect of these consequences of the development of material science, it is too often assumed that this war is being as horrible and destructive as war can be.  There never was so great a delusion.  This war has only begun to be horrible.  No doubt it is much more horrible and destructive than any former war, but even in comparison with the full possibilities of known and existing means of destruction it is still a mild war.  Perhaps it will never rise to its full possibilities.  At the present stage there is not a combatant, except perhaps America, which is not now practising a pinching economy of steel and other mechanical material.  The Germans are running short of first-class flying men, and if we and our allies continue to press the air attack, and seek out and train our own vastly greater resources of first quality young airmen, the Germans may come as near to being “driven out of the air” as is possible.  I am a firmer believer than ever I was in the possibility of a complete victory over Germany—­through and by the air.  But the occasional dropping of a big bomb or so in London is not to be taken as anything but a minimum display of what air war can do.  In a little while now our alliance should be in a position to commence day and night continuous attacks upon the Rhine towns.  Not hour-long raids such as London knows, but week-long raids.  Then and then only shall we be able to gauge the really horrible possibilities of the air war.  They are in our hands and not in the hands of the Germans.  In addition the Germans are at a huge disadvantage in their submarine campaign.  Their submarine campaign is only the feeble shadow of what a submarine campaign might be.  Turning again to the atlas the reader can see for himself that the German and Austrian submarines are obliged