For good or evil Germany has been convinced for nearly two decades that the balance of power in Europe was an obstacle to her world future.  Furthermore, she believed that the balance imposed fetters upon her which only mighty armaments could break.  All Germany’s energies in the domain of diplomacy have been set in motion to make the balance of power a mere figment of the imagination.

In pursuing this end it has suited her purpose to declare all attempts at maintaining the outward appearances of equality between the Powers of Europe to be Machiavellian schemes against her existence; or to cite the Kaiser’s own words, “to deprive Germany of her place in the sun.”

Britain’s entente policy was the only one calculated to preserve our own existence, and to restrain Germany from establishing a hegemony in Europe.  She was completely convinced that the domination of Europe belonged to her by right of mental, moral and military superiority over her neighbours.  Not in vain have Germany’s educational institutions inculcated the belief in her population that the British Empire is an effete monstrosity with feet of clay; France a rotten, decaying empire, and Russia a barbarian Power with no new Kultur to offer Europe except the knout.

Inspired by such conceptions, together with an astoundingly exaggerated idea of Germany’s peerlessness in order, discipline, obedience, morality, genius and other ethical values, as well as an unshaken belief in Germany’s invincibility by land and sea—­the entire nation, from Kaiser to cobbler, has long since held that by right of these virtues—­by right of her absolute superiority over all other nations—­Germany could and must claim other rights and powers than those which fell to her under an antiquated balance of European power.

In few words that is the gospel of Deutschland, Deutschland, ueber alles.  These are the motives which inspired Germany’s naval expansion and forbade her to accept a compromise.  The same ideals led to her endeavours to shatter the ententes, and it is alone the general acceptance of this gospel, which explains the remarkable unanimity with which the German nation has stood behind the Kaiser’s Government in each trial of strength.  They have learned to consider all attempts of the lesser peoples (Britain, France and Russia included) to maintain themselves against the Teutonic onset as impudent attacks on sacred Germany, which also illuminates the fact that Germans call the present struggle—­“Germany’s holy, sacred war.”

German statesmen were quite clear as to the national course at least fifteen years ago.  Hence they have persistently pursued a policy of no compromise and no agreements.  A compromise recognizes and perpetuates, in part at least, the very thing which stands in the way.  An agreement with Britain in regard to naval armaments would have perpetuated British naval supremacy, as well as recognized its necessity.  Likewise an agreement, or the shadow of an understanding with France on the question of Alsace-Lorraine would have been a recognition of French claims.  Hence on these two questions—­which are merely given as examples illustrative of German mentality—­every attempt at an agreement has been a failure.