What Germany Thinks eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 275 pages of information about What Germany Thinks.

What Germany Thinks eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 275 pages of information about What Germany Thinks.

“The confusion in the minds of the masses caused by the Government’s indecision increases from minute to minute; indescribable scenes are witnessed before the General Post Office.  It is alleged that thousands and thousands of telegrams have arrived from Russia, begging the members of Serbia’s royal family not to give way to Austria.  It may easily be possible that the Russian telegrams all emanate from one person and have been forged, in order to counteract the disposition to yield on the part of the royal family.  Without doubt both the King and Crown Prince have lost all personal influence on the final decision.  They are being slowly carried along by the conflagration-party which obtained the upper hand soon after four o’clock."[3]

[Footnote 3:  Muenchen-Augsburger Abendzeitung, July 28th.]

This picture gives no support to Germany’s accusation that Russia had stiffened Serbia into resisting Austria’s unacceptable demands.  It rather leads one to consider that an action which drives a weak nation to arrive at a decision on so awful an issue in so short a time, is an action discreditable to a stronger, and impossible on the part of a morally great, power.  If Serbia chose wrongly in refusing to bite the dust, then the guilt is still chargeable to Austria for forcing her little neighbour to take a choice in haste.  Sir Edward Grey emphasized in his speech of July 27th the shortness of the time which all the Powers had had at their disposal to formulate a plan, by which the conflict could be restricted to the East, or amicably settled.

The leaders of the Germanic States had purposely willed it so.  Several unsuccessful attempts had been made to break up the Triple Entente, the only barrier to the Germanization, i.e., Prussianization, of Europe, and in the tragedy of Serajewo the Central Powers (or, at least, the dominating factor of the two) believed they had found a lever with which to break down the opposition by diplomacy.  If that failed an immediate appeal to the sword should follow.  The diplomatic forty-eight hours’ coup-de-main failed, and the programme contained no other item except war.  In a few words this means that the dastardly crime of Princip and his fellow conspirators was exploited by Germany, acting through Austria, to disturb the European balance of power under the guise of a just vengeance.

Sir Edward Grey formulated and circulated his conference proposal on the next day, July 26th.  Some persons to whom I spoke at the time welcomed the idea; they belonged principally to the lower middle classes.  One well-known Pan-Germanist (Dr. Beckmann, professor of history in Erlangen University) said that the proposal was an admission of a diplomatic defeat and a sign that the Entente Powers were afraid to draw the sword.  If the three Powers in question were prepared to pocket this smack in the face, then Germany would be satisfied, because such a defeat would mean that the Triple Entente would never be able to work together again.

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What Germany Thinks from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.