this ostensible object in view.  His official instructions were to inform the Americans that ’the most liberal sentiments had taken root in the nation, and that the narrow policy of monopoly was totally extinguished.’  Now he was called upon to surrender without having tried either his arms or his diplomacy.  With British sea-power beginning to reassert its age-long superiority over all possible rivals, with practically all constitutional points of dispute conceded to the revolutionists, and with the certain knowledge that by no means the majority of all Americans were absolute anti-British out-and-outers, he thought it no time to dismember the Empire.  His Intelligence Department had been busily collecting information which seems surprising enough as we read it over to-day, but which was based on the solid facts of that unhappy time.  One member of the Continental Congress was anxious to know what would become of the American army if reconciliation should be effected on the understanding that there would be no more imperial taxation or customs duty—­would it become part of the Imperial Army, or what?

But speculation on all such contingencies was suddenly cut short by the complete change of policy at home.  The idea was to end the civil war that had divided the Empire and to concentrate on the foreign war that at least united the people of Great Britain.  No matter at what cost this policy had now to be carried out; and Carleton was the only man that every one would trust to do it.  So, sacrificing his own feelings and convictions, he made the best of an exceedingly bad business.  He had to safeguard the prisoners and Loyalists while preparing to evacuate the few remaining footholds of British power in the face of an implacable foe.  At the same time he had to watch every other point in North America and keep in touch with his excellent naval colleague, Admiral Digby, lest his own rear might be attacked by the three foreign enemies of England.  He was even ordered off to the West Indies in the autumn.  But counter-orders fortunately arrived before he could start.  Thus, surrounded by enemies in front and rear and on both flanks, he spent the seven months between August and the following March.

At the end of March 1783 news arrived that the preliminary treaty of peace had been signed.  The final treaty was not signed till his fifty-ninth birthday, the 3rd of the following September.  The signature of the preliminaries simplified the naval and military situation.  But it made the situation of the Loyalists worse than ever.  Compared with them the prisoners of war had been most highly favoured from the first.  And yet the British prisoners had little to thank the Congress for.  That they were badly fed and badly housed was not always the fault of the Americans.  But that political favourites and underlings were allowed to prey on them was an inexcusable disgrace.  When a prisoner complained, he was told it was the fault of the British government which would not pay