The Anatomy of Melancholy eBook

The Anatomy of Melancholy by Robert Burton (scholar)

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Table of Contents

Page 1

Introduction to the Project Gutenberg Edition.

This edition of The Anatomy of Melancholy is based on a nineteenth-century edition that modernized Burton’s spelling and typographic conventions.  In preparing this electronic version, it became evident that the editor had made a variety of mistakes in this modernization:  some words were left in their original spelling (unusual words were a particular problem), portions of book titles were mistaken for proper names, proper names were mistaken for book titles or Latin words, etc.  A certain number of misprints were also introduced into the Latin.  As a result, I have re-edited the text, checking it against images of the 1638 edition, and correcting all errors not present in the earlier edition.  I have continued to follow the general editorial practice of the base text for quotation marks, italics, etc.  Rare words have been normalized according to their primary spelling in the Oxford English Dictionary.  When Burton spells a person’s name in several ways, I have normalized the names to the most common spelling, or to modern practice if well-known.  In a few cases, mistakes present in both the 1638 edition and the base text have been corrected.  These are always minor reference errors (e.g., an incorrect or missing section number in the synopses, or misnumbered footnotes).  Incorrect citations to other texts (Burton seems to quote by memory and sometimes gets it wrong) have not been changed if they are wrong in both editions.  To display some symbols (astrological signs, etc.) the HTML version requires a browser with unicode support.  Most recent browsers should be Ok.—­KTH

FRONTISPIECE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION

[Illustration:  1.  Democritus Abderites; 2.  Zelotypia 3.  Solitudo; 4.  Inamorato; 5.  Hypocondriacus; 6.  Superstitiosus; 7.  Maniacus; 8.  Borage; 9.  Hellebor; 10.  Democritus Junior

THE ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY

What it is, with all the kinds, causes, symptoms, prognostics, and several cures of it.

In three Partitions, with their several Sections, numbers, and subsections.

Philosophically, medicinally, Historically, opened and cut up.

By Democritus Junior

With a Satyrical Preface conducing to the following Discourse.

The Sixth Edition, corrected and augmented by the Author.

Omne tulit punctum, qui miscit utile dulce.

London

Printed & to be sold by Hen.  Crips & Lodo Lloyd at their shop in
Popes-head Alley. 1652]

The anatomy of melancholy,

What it is,

WITH

All the kinds, causes, symptoms, prognostics, and several cures of it.

Page 2

In three partitions.

WITH THEIR SEVERAL

Sections, members, and subsections, philosophically, medically,
historically opened and cut up.

By democritus junior.

With A satirical preface, conducing to the following discourse.

A new edition,
corrected, and enriched by translations of the numerous classical extracts.

By democritus minor.

To which is prefixed an account of the author.

        Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci.

        He that joins instruction with delight,
        Profit with pleasure, carries all the votes.

HONORATISSIMO DOMINO

Non MINVS virtute sua, quam generis splendore,

ILLVSTRISSIMO,

Georgio BEKKLEIO,

MILITI de balneo, Baroni de Berkley, MOUBREY, Segrave,

D. De Bruse,

Domino suo multis nominibus Observando,

HANC SUAM

Melancholiae ANATOMEN,

Jam sexto REVISAM, D.D.

Democritus junior.

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE LAST LONDON EDITION.

The work now restored to public notice has had an extraordinary fate.  At the time of its original publication it obtained a great celebrity, which continued more than half a century.  During that period few books were more read, or more deservedly applauded.  It was the delight of the learned, the solace of the indolent, and the refuge of the uninformed.  It passed through at least eight editions, by which the bookseller, as wood records, got an estate; and, notwithstanding the objection sometimes opposed against it, of a quaint style, and too great an accumulation of authorities, the fascination of its wit, fancy, and sterling sense, have borne down all censures, and extorted praise from the first Writers in the English language.  The grave Johnson has praised it in the warmest terms, and the ludicrous sterne has interwoven many parts of it into his own popular performance.  Milton did not disdain to build two of his finest poems on it; and a host of inferior writers have embellished their works with beauties not their own, culled from a performance which they had not the justice even to mention.  Change of times, and the frivolity of fashion, suspended, in

Page 3

Account of the author.

Robert Burton was the son of Ralph Burton, of an ancient and genteel family at Lindley, in Leicestershire, and was born there on the 8th of February 1576. [1]He received the first rudiments of learning at the free school of Sutton Coldfield, in Warwickshire [2]from whence he was, at the age of seventeen, in the long vacation, 1593, sent to Brazen Nose College, in the condition of a commoner, where he made considerable progress in logic and philosophy.  In 1599 he was elected student of Christ Church, and, for form’s sake, was put under the tuition of Dr. John Bancroft, afterwards Bishop of Oxford.  In 1614 he was admitted to the reading of the Sentences, and on the 29th of November, 1616, had the vicarage of St. Thomas, in the west suburb of Oxford, conferred on him by the dean and canons of Christ Church, which, with the rectory of Segrave, in Leicestershire, given to him in the year 1636, by George, Lord Berkeley, he kept, to use the words of the Oxford antiquary, with much ado to his dying day.  He seems to have been first beneficed at Walsby, in Lincolnshire, through the munificence

Page 4

His residence was chiefly at Oxford; where, in his chamber in Christ Church College, he departed this life, at or very near the time which he had some years before foretold, from the calculation of his own nativity, and which, says Wood, “being exact, several of the students did not forbear to whisper among themselves, that rather than there should be a mistake in the calculation, he sent up his soul to heaven through a slip about his neck.”  Whether this suggestion is founded in truth, we have no other evidence than an obscure hint in the epitaph hereafter inserted, which was written by the author himself, a short time before his death.  His body, with due solemnity, was buried near that of Dr. Robert Weston, in the north aisle which joins next to the choir of the cathedral of Christ Church, on the 27th of January 1639-40.  Over his grave was soon after erected a comely monument, on the upper pillar of the said aisle, with his bust, painted to the life.  On the right hand is the following calculation of his nativity: 

[Illustration:  R. natus B. 1576, 8 Feb. hor. 3, scrup. 16. long. 22 deg. 0’ polus 51 deg. 30”]

Page 5

and under the bust, this inscription of his own composition:—­

Paucis notus, paucioribus ignotus,
Hic jacet Democritus junior
Cui vitam dedit et mortem
        Melancholia
Ob. 8 Id.  Jan.  A. C. MDCXXXIX.

Arms:—­Azure on a bend O. between three dogs’ heads O. a crescent G.

A few months before his death, he made his will, of which the following is a copy: 

Extracted from the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury.

In nomine Dei Amen.  August 15th One thousand six hundred thirty nine because there be so many casualties to which our life is subject besides quarrelling and contention which happen to our Successors after our Death by reason of unsettled Estates I Robert Burton Student of Christ-church Oxon. though my means be but small have thought good by this my last Will and Testament to dispose of that little which I have and being at this present I thank God in perfect health of Bodie and Mind and if this Testament be not so formal according to the nice and strict terms of Law and other Circumstances peradventure required of which I am ignorant I desire howsoever this my Will may be accepted and stand good according to my true Intent and meaning First I bequeath Animam Deo Corpus Terrae whensoever it shall please God to call me I give my Land in Higham which my good Father Ralphe Burton of Lindly in the County of Leicester Esquire gave me by Deed of Gift and that which I have annexed to that Farm by purchase since, now leased for thirty eight pounds per Ann. to mine Elder Brother William Burton of Lindly Esquire during his life and after him to his Heirs I make my said Brother William likewise mine Executor as well as paying such Annuities and Legacies out of my Lands and Goods as are hereafter specified I give to my nephew Cassibilan Burton twenty pounds Annuity per Ann. out of my Land in Higham during his life to be paid at two equal payments at our Lady Day in Lent and Michaelmas or if he be not paid within fourteen Days after the said Feasts to distrain on any part of the Ground or on any of my Lands of Inheritance Item I give to my Sister Katherine Jackson during her life eight pounds per Ann.  Annuity to be paid at the two Feasts equally as above said or else to distrain on the Ground if she be not paid after fourteen days at Lindly as the other some is out of the said Land Item I give to my Servant John Upton the Annuity of Forty Shillings out of my said Farme during his life (if till then my Servant) to be paid on Michaelmas day in Lindley each year or else after fourteen days to distrain Now for my goods I thus dispose them First I give an C’th pounds to Christ Church in Oxford where I have so long lived to buy five pounds Lands per Ann. to be Yearly bestowed on Books for the Library Item I give an hundredth pound to the University Library of Oxford to be bestowed to purchase five pound Land

Page 6

An Appendix to this my Will if I die in Oxford or whilst I am of Christ
Church and with good Mr. Paynes August the Fifteenth 1639.

I give to Mr. Doctor Fell Dean of Christ Church Forty Shillings to the Eight Canons twenty Shillings a piece as a small remembrance to the poor of St. Thomas Parish Twenty Shillings to Brasenose Library five pounds to Mr. Rowse of Oriell Colledge twenty Shillings to Mr. Heywood xxs. to Dr. Metcalfe xxs. to Mr. Sherley xxs.  If I have any Books the University Library hath not, let them take them If I have any Books our own Library hath not, let them take them I give to Mrs. Fell all my English Books of Husbandry one excepted to her Daughter Mrs. Katherine Fell my Six Pieces of Silver Plate and six Silver spoons to Mrs. Iles my Gerards Herball To Mrs. Morris my Country Farme Translated out of French 4. and all my English Physick Books to Mr. Whistler the Recorder of Oxford I give twenty shillings to all my fellow Students Mrs of Arts a Book in fol. or two a piece as Master Morris Treasurer or Mr. Dean shall appoint whom I request to be the Overseer of this Appendix and give him for his pains Atlas Geografer and Ortelius Theatrum Mond’ I give to John Fell the Dean’s Son Student my Mathematical Instruments except my two Crosse Staves which I give to my Lord of Donnol if he be then of the House To Thomas Iles Doctor Iles his Son Student Saluntch on Paurrhelia and Lucian’s Works in 4 Tomes If any books be left let my Executors dispose of them with all such Books as are written with my own hands and half my Melancholy Copy for Crips hath the other half To Mr. Jones Chaplin and Chanter my Surveying Books and Instruments To the Servants of the House Forty Shillings rob.  Burton—­Charles Russell Witness—­John Pepper Witness—­This Will was shewed to me by the Testator and acknowledged by him some few days before his death to be his last Will Ita Testor John Morris S Th D. Prebendari’ Eccl Chri’ Oxon Feb. 3, 1639.

Page 7

Probatum fuit Testamentum suprascriptum, &c. 11 deg. 1640 Juramento Willmi Burton Fris’ et Executoris cui &c. de bene et fideliter administrand. &c. coram Mag’ris Nathanaele Stephens Rectore Eccl. de Drayton, et Edwardo Farmer, Clericis, vigore commissionis, &c.

The only work our author executed was that now reprinted, which probably was the principal employment of his life.  Dr. Ferriar says, it was originally published in the year 1617; but this is evidently a mistake; [5]the first edition was that printed in 4to, 1621, a copy of which is at present in the collection of John Nichols, Esq., the indefatigable illustrator of the History of Leicestershire; to whom, and to Isaac Reed, Esq., of Staple Inn, this account is greatly indebted for its accuracy.  The other impressions of it were in 1624, 1628, 1632, 1638, 1651-2, 1660, and 1676, which last, in the titlepage, is called the eighth edition.

The copy from which the present is reprinted, is that of 1651-2; at the conclusion of which is the following address: 

“To the reader.

“Be pleased to know (Courteous Reader) that since the last Impression of this Book, the ingenuous Author of it is deceased, leaving a Copy of it exactly corrected, with several considerable Additions by his own hand; this Copy he committed to my care and custody, with directions to have those Additions inserted in the next Edition; which in order to his command, and the Publicke Good, is faithfully performed in this last Impression.”

H. C. (i.e.  HEN.  CRIPPS.)

The following testimonies of various authors will serve to show the estimation in which this work has been held:—­

“The ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, wherein the author hath piled up variety of much excellent learning.  Scarce any book of philology in our land hath, in so short a time, passed so many editions.”—­Fuller’s Worthies, fol. 16.

“’Tis a book so full of variety of reading, that gentlemen who have lost their time, and are put to a push for invention, may furnish themselves with matter for common or scholastical discourse and writing.”—­Wood’s Athenae Oxoniensis, vol. i. p. 628. 2d edit.

“If you never saw BURTON UPON MELANCHOLY, printed 1676, I pray look into it, and read the ninth page of his Preface, ‘Democritus to the Reader.’  There is something there which touches the point we are upon; but I mention the author to you, as the pleasantest, the most learned, and the most full of sterling sense.  The wits of Queen Anne’s reign, and the beginning of George the First, were not a little beholden to him.”—­Archbishop Herring’s Letters, 12mo. 1777. p. 149.

“BURTON’S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, he (Dr. Johnson) said, was the only book that ever took him out of bed two hours sooner than he wished to rise.”—­Boswell’s Life of Johnson, vol. i. p. 580. 8vo. edit.

“BURTON’S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY is a valuable book,” said Dr. Johnson.  “It is, perhaps, overloaded with quotation.  But there is great spirit and great power in what Burton says when he writes from his own mind.”—­Ibid, vol. ii. p. 325.

Page 8

“It will be no detraction from the powers of Milton’s original genius and invention, to remark, that he seems to have borrowed the subject of L’ Allegro and Il Penseroso, together with some particular thoughts, expressions, and rhymes, more especially the idea of a contrast between these two dispositions, from a forgotten poem prefixed to the first edition of BURTON’S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, entitled, ’The Author’s Abstract of Melancholy; or, A Dialogue between Pleasure and Pain.’  Here pain is melancholy.  It was written, as I conjecture, about the year 1600.  I will make no apology for abstracting and citing as much of this poem as will be sufficient to prove, to a discerning reader, how far it had taken possession of Milton’s mind.  The measure will appear to be the same; and that our author was at least an attentive reader of Burton’s book, may be already concluded from the traces of resemblance which I have incidentally noticed in passing through the L’ Allegro and Il Penseroso.”—­After extracting the lines, Mr. Warton adds, “as to the very elaborate work to which these visionary verses are no unsuitable introduction, the writer’s variety of learning, his quotations from scarce and curious books, his pedantry sparkling with rude wit and shapeless elegance, miscellaneous matter, intermixture of agreeable tales and illustrations, and, perhaps, above all, the singularities of his feelings, clothed in an uncommon quaintness of style, have contributed to render it, even to modern readers, a valuable repository of amusement and information.”—­Warton’s Milton, 2d edit. p. 94.

“THE ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY is a book which has been universally read and admired.  This work is, for the most part, what the author himself styles it, ‘a cento;’ but it is a very ingenious one.  His quotations, which abound in every page, are pertinent; but if he had made more use of his invention and less of his commonplace-book, his work would perhaps have been more valuable than it is.  He is generally free from the affected language and ridiculous metaphors which disgrace most of the books of his time.”—­Granger’s Biographical History.

“BURTON’S ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY, a book once the favourite of the learned and the witty, and a source of surreptitious learning, though written on a regular plan, consists chiefly of quotations:  the author has honestly termed it a cento.  He collects, under every division, the opinions of a multitude of writers, without regard to chronological order, and has too often the modesty to decline the interposition of his own sentiments.  Indeed the bulk of his materials generally overwhelms him.  In the course of his folio he has contrived to treat a great variety of topics, that seem very loosely connected with the general subject; and, like Bayle, when he starts a favourite train of quotations, he does not scruple to let the digression outrun the principal question.  Thus, from the doctrines of religion to military discipline, from inland navigation to the morality of dancing-schools, every thing is discussed and determined.”—­Ferriar’s Illustrations of Sterne, p. 58.

Page 9

“The archness which BURTON displays occasionally, and his indulgence of playful digressions from the most serious discussions, often give his style an air of familiar conversation, notwithstanding the laborious collections which supply his text.  He was capable of writing excellent poetry, but he seems to have cultivated this talent too little.  The English verses prefixed to his book, which possess beautiful imagery, and great sweetness of versification, have been frequently published.  His Latin elegiac verses addressed to his book, shew a very agreeable turn for raillery.”—­Ibid. p. 58.

“When the force of the subject opens his own vein of prose, we discover valuable sense and brilliant expression.  Such is his account of the first feelings of melancholy persons, written, probably, from his own experience.” [See p. 154, of the present edition.]—­Ibid. p. 60.

“During a pedantic age, like that in which BURTON’S production appeared, it must have been eminently serviceable to writers of many descriptions.  Hence the unlearned might furnish themselves with appropriate scraps of Greek and Latin, whilst men of letters would find their enquiries shortened, by knowing where they might look for what both ancients and moderns had advanced on the subject of human passions.  I confess my inability to point out any other English author who has so largely dealt in apt and original quotation.”—­Manuscript note of the late George Steevens, Esq., in his copy of THE ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY.

DEMOCRITUS JUNIOR AD LIBRUM SUUM.

        Vade liber, qualis, non ausum dicere, felix,
          Te nisi felicem fecerit Alma dies. 
        Vade tamen quocunque lubet, quascunque per oras,
          Et Genium Domini fac imitere tui. 
        I blandas inter Charites, mystamque saluta
          Musarum quemvis, si tibi lector erit. 
        Rura colas, urbem, subeasve palatia regum,
          Submisse, placide, te sine dente geras. 
        Nobilis, aut si quis te forte inspexerit heros,
          Da te morigerum, perlegat usque lubet. 
        Est quod nobilitas, est quod desideret heros,
          Gratior haec forsan charta placere potest. 
        Si quis morosus Cato, tetricusque Senator,
          Hunc etiam librum forte videre velit,
        Sive magistratus, tum te reverenter habeto;
          Sed nullus; muscas non capiunt Aquilae. 
        Non vacat his tempus fugitivum impendere nugis,
          Nec tales cupio; par mihi lector erit. 
        Si matrona gravis casu diverterit istuc,
          Illustris domina, aut te Comitissa legat: 
        Est quod displiceat, placeat quod forsitan illis,
          Ingerere his noli te modo, pande tamen. 
        At si virgo tuas dignabitur inclyta chartas
          Tangere, sive schedis haereat illa tuis: 
        Da modo te facilem, et quaedam folia esse memento

Page 10

Page 11

DEMOCRITUS JUNIOR TO HIS BOOK

PARAPHRASTIC METRICAL TRANSLATION.

        Go forth my book into the open day;
          Happy, if made so by its garish eye. 
        O’er earth’s wide surface take thy vagrant way,
          To imitate thy master’s genius try. 
        The Graces three, the Muses nine salute,
          Should those who love them try to con thy lore. 
        The country, city seek, grand thrones to boot,
          With gentle courtesy humbly bow before. 
        Should nobles gallant, soldiers frank and brave
          Seek thy acquaintance, hail their first advance: 
        From twitch of care thy pleasant vein may save,
          May laughter cause or wisdom give perchance. 
        Some surly Cato, Senator austere,
          Haply may wish to peep into thy book: 
        Seem very nothing—­tremble and revere: 
          No forceful eagles, butterflies e’er look. 
        They love not thee:  of them then little seek,
          And wish for readers triflers like thyself. 
        Of ludeful matron watchful catch the beck,
          Or gorgeous countess full of pride and pelf. 
        They may say “pish!” and frown, and yet read on: 
          Cry odd, and silly, coarse, and yet amusing. 
        Should dainty damsels seek thy page to con,
          Spread thy best stores:  to them be ne’er refusing: 
        Say, fair one, master loves thee dear as life;
          Would he were here to gaze on thy sweet look. 
        Should known or unknown student, freed from strife
          Of logic and the schools, explore my book: 
        Cry mercy critic, and thy book withhold: 
          Be some few errors pardon’d though observ’d: 
        An humble author to implore makes bold. 
          Thy kind indulgence, even undeserv’d,
        Should melancholy wight or pensive lover,
          Courtier, snug cit, or carpet knight so trim
        Our blossoms cull, he’ll find himself in clover,
          Gain sense from precept, laughter from our whim. 
        Should learned leech with solemn air unfold
          Thy leaves, beware, be civil, and be wise: 
        Thy volume many precepts sage may hold,

Page 12

THE ARGUMENT OF THE FRONTISPIECE.

Page 13

Ten distinct Squares here seen apart,
Are joined in one by Cutter’s art.

             I.

Old Democritus under a tree,
Sits on a stone with book on knee;
About him hang there many features,
Of Cats, Dogs and such like creatures,
Of which he makes anatomy,
The seat of black choler to see. 
Over his head appears the sky,
And Saturn Lord of melancholy.

             II. 

To the left a landscape of Jealousy,
Presents itself unto thine eye. 
A Kingfisher, a Swan, an Hern,
Two fighting-cocks you may discern,
Two roaring Bulls each other hie,
To assault concerning venery. 
Symbols are these; I say no more,
Conceive the rest by that’s afore.

             III. 

The next of solitariness,
A portraiture doth well express,
By sleeping dog, cat:  Buck and Doe,
Hares, Conies in the desert go: 
Bats, Owls the shady bowers over,
In melancholy darkness hover. 
Mark well:  If’t be not as’t should be,
Blame the bad Cutter, and not me.

             IV. 

I’th’ under column there doth stand
Inamorato with folded hand;
Down hangs his head, terse and polite,
Some ditty sure he doth indite. 
His lute and books about him lie,
As symptoms of his vanity. 
If this do not enough disclose,
To paint him, take thyself by th’ nose.

             V.

Hypocondriacus leans on his arm,
Wind in his side doth him much harm,
And troubles him full sore, God knows,
Much pain he hath and many woes. 
About him pots and glasses lie,
Newly brought from’s Apothecary. 
This Saturn’s aspects signify,
You see them portray’d in the sky.

             VI. 

Beneath them kneeling on his knee,
A superstitious man you see: 
He fasts, prays, on his Idol fixt,
Tormented hope and fear betwixt: 
For Hell perhaps he takes more pain,
Than thou dost Heaven itself to gain. 
Alas poor soul, I pity thee,
What stars incline thee so to be?

             VII. 

But see the madman rage downright
With furious looks, a ghastly sight. 
Naked in chains bound doth he lie,
And roars amain he knows not why! 
Observe him; for as in a glass,
Thine angry portraiture it was. 
His picture keeps still in thy presence;
’Twixt him and thee, there’s no difference.

             VIII, IX.

Borage and Hellebor fill two scenes,
Sovereign plants to purge the veins
Of melancholy, and cheer the heart,
Of those black fumes which make it smart;
To clear the brain of misty fogs,
Which dull our senses, and Soul clogs. 
The best medicine that e’er God made
For this malady, if well assay’d.

Page 14

              X.

Now last of all to fill a place,
Presented is the Author’s face;
And in that habit which he wears,
His image to the world appears. 
His mind no art can well express,
That by his writings you may guess. 
It was not pride, nor yet vainglory,
(Though others do it commonly)
Made him do this:  if you must know,
The Printer would needs have it so. 
Then do not frown or scoff at it,
Deride not, or detract a whit. 
For surely as thou dost by him,
He will do the same again. 
Then look upon’t, behold and see,
As thou lik’st it, so it likes thee. 
And I for it will stand in view,
Thine to command, Reader, adieu.

THE AUTHOR’S ABSTRACT OF MELANCHOLY, [Greek:  Dialogos]

        When I go musing all alone
        Thinking of divers things fore-known. 
        When I build castles in the air,
        Void of sorrow and void of fear,
        Pleasing myself with phantasms sweet,
        Methinks the time runs very fleet. 
          All my joys to this are folly,
          Naught so sweet as melancholy. 
        When I lie waking all alone,
        Recounting what I have ill done,
        My thoughts on me then tyrannise,
        Fear and sorrow me surprise,
        Whether I tarry still or go,
        Methinks the time moves very slow. 
          All my griefs to this are jolly,
          Naught so mad as melancholy. 
        When to myself I act and smile,
        With pleasing thoughts the time beguile,
        By a brook side or wood so green,
        Unheard, unsought for, or unseen,
        A thousand pleasures do me bless,
        And crown my soul with happiness. 
          All my joys besides are folly,
          None so sweet as melancholy. 
        When I lie, sit, or walk alone,
        I sigh, I grieve, making great moan,
        In a dark grove, or irksome den,
        With discontents and Furies then,
        A thousand miseries at once
        Mine heavy heart and soul ensconce,
          All my griefs to this are jolly,
          None so sour as melancholy. 
        Methinks I hear, methinks I see,
        Sweet music, wondrous melody,
        Towns, palaces, and cities fine;
        Here now, then there; the world is mine,
        Rare beauties, gallant ladies shine,
        Whate’er is lovely or divine. 
          All other joys to this are folly,
          None so sweet as melancholy. 
        Methinks I hear, methinks I see
        Ghosts, goblins, fiends; my phantasy
        Presents a thousand ugly shapes,
        Headless bears, black men, and apes,
        Doleful outcries, and fearful sights,
        My sad and dismal soul affrights. 
          All my griefs to this are jolly,
          None so damn’d as melancholy. 

Page 15

DEMOCRITUS JUNIOR TO THE READER.

Gentle reader, I presume thou wilt be very inquisitive to know what antic or personate actor this is, that so insolently intrudes upon this common theatre, to the world’s view, arrogating another man’s name; whence he is, why he doth it, and what he hath to say; although, as [7]he said, Primum si noluero, non respondebo, quis coacturus est?  I am a free man born, and may choose whether I will tell; who can compel me?  If I be urged, I will as readily reply as that Egyptian in [8]Plutarch, when a curious fellow would needs know what he had in his basket, Quum vides velatam, quid inquiris in rem absconditam?  It was therefore covered, because he should not know what was in it.  Seek not after that which is

Page 16

[11] “Non hic Centaurus, non Gorgonas, Harpyasque
        Invenies, hominem pagina nostra sapit.”

       “No Centaurs here, or Gorgons look to find,
        My subject is of man and human kind.”

Thou thyself art the subject of my discourse.

[12] “Quicquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,
        Gaudia, discursus, nostri farrago libelli.”

       “Whate’er men do, vows, fears, in ire, in sport,
        Joys, wand’rings, are the sum of my report.”

My intent is no otherwise to use his name, than Mercurius Gallobelgicus, Mercurius Britannicus, use the name of Mercury, [13]Democritus Christianus, &c.; although there be some other circumstances for which I have masked myself under this vizard, and some peculiar respect which I cannot so well express, until I have set down a brief character of this our Democritus, what he was, with an epitome of his life.

Democritus, as he is described by [14]Hippocrates and [15]Laertius, was a little wearish old man, very melancholy by nature, averse from company in his latter days, [16]and much given to solitariness, a famous philosopher in his age, [17]_coaevus_ with Socrates, wholly addicted to his studies at the last, and to a private life:  wrote many excellent works, a great divine, according to the divinity of those times, an expert physician, a politician, an excellent mathematician, as [18]Diacosmus and the rest of his works do witness.  He was much delighted with the studies of husbandry, saith [19]Columella, and often I find him cited by [20]Constantinus and others treating of that subject.  He knew the natures, differences of all beasts, plants, fishes, birds; and, as some say, could [21]understand the tunes and voices of them.  In a word, he was

Page 17

But in the mean time, how doth this concern me, or upon what reference do I usurp his habit?  I confess, indeed, that to compare myself unto him for aught I have yet said, were both impudency and arrogancy.  I do not presume to make any parallel, Antistat mihi millibus trecentis, [29]_parvus sum, nullus sum, altum nec spiro, nec spero_.  Yet thus much I will say of myself, and that I hope without all suspicion of pride, or self-conceit, I have lived a silent, sedentary, solitary, private life, mihi et musis in the University, as long almost as Xenocrates in Athens, ad senectam fere to learn wisdom as he did, penned up most part in my study.  For I have been brought up a student in the most flourishing college of Europe, [30]_augustissimo collegio_, and can brag with [31]Jovius, almost, in ea luce domicilii Vacicani, totius orbis celeberrimi, per 37 annos multa opportunaque didici; for thirty years I have continued (having the use of as good [32]libraries as ever he had) a scholar, and would be therefore loath, either by living as a drone, to be an unprofitable or unworthy member of so learned and noble a society, or to write that which should be any way dishonourable to such a royal and ample foundation.  Something I have done, though by my profession a divine, yet turbine raptus ingenii, as [33]he said, out of a running wit, an unconstant, unsettled mind, I had a great desire (not able to attain to a superficial skill in any) to have some smattering in all, to be aliquis in omnibus, nullus in singulis, [34] which [35]Plato commends, out of him [36]Lipsius approves and furthers, “as fit to be imprinted in all curious wits, not to be a slave of one science, or dwell altogether in one subject, as most do, but to rove abroad, centum puer artium, to have an oar in every man’s boat, to [37]taste of every dish, and sip of every cup,” which, saith [38]Montaigne, was well performed

Page 18

Page 19

[46] “Bilem saepe, jocum vestri movere tumultus.”

       “Ye wretched mimics, whose fond heats have been,
        How oft! the objects of my mirth and spleen.”

I did sometime laugh and scoff with Lucian, and satirically tax with Menippus, lament with Heraclitus, sometimes again I was [47]_petulanti splene chachinno_, and then again, [48]_urere bilis jecur_, I was much moved to see that abuse which I could not mend.  In which passion howsoever I may sympathise with him or them, ’tis for no such respect I shroud myself under his name; but either in an unknown habit to assume a little more liberty and freedom of speech, or if you will needs know, for that reason and only respect which Hippocrates relates at large in his Epistle to Damegetus, wherein he doth express, how coming to visit him one day, he found Democritus in his garden at Abdera, in the suburbs, [49]under a shady bower, [50]with a book on his knees, busy at his study, sometimes writing, sometimes walking.  The subject of his book was melancholy and madness; about him lay the carcases of many several beasts, newly by him cut up and anatomised; not that he did contemn God’s creatures, as he told Hippocrates, but to find out the seat of this atra bilis, or melancholy, whence it proceeds, and how it was engendered in men’s bodies, to the intent he might better cure it in himself, and by his writings and observation [51]teach others how to prevent and avoid it.  Which good intent of his, Hippocrates highly commended:  Democritus Junior is therefore bold to imitate, and because he left it imperfect, and it is now lost, quasi succenturiator Democriti, to revive again, prosecute, and finish in this treatise.

Page 20

You have had a reason of the name.  If the title and inscription offend your gravity, were it a sufficient justification to accuse others, I could produce many sober treatises, even sermons themselves, which in their fronts carry more fantastical names.  Howsoever, it is a kind of policy in these days, to prefix a fantastical title to a book which is to be sold; for, as larks come down to a day-net, many vain readers will tarry and stand gazing like silly passengers at an antic picture in a painter’s shop, that will not look at a judicious piece.  And, indeed, as [52]Scaliger observes, “nothing more invites a reader than an argument unlooked for, unthought of, and sells better than a scurrile pamphlet,” tum maxime cum novitas excitat [53]palatum.  “Many men,” saith Gellius, “are very conceited in their inscriptions,” “and able” (as [54]Pliny quotes out of Seneca) “to make him loiter by the way that went in haste to fetch a midwife for his daughter, now ready to lie down.”  For my part, I have honourable [55]precedents for this which I have done:  I will cite one for all, Anthony Zara, Pap.  Epis., his Anatomy of Wit, in four sections, members, subsections, &c., to be read in our libraries.

If any man except against the matter or manner of treating of this my subject, and will demand a reason of it, I can allege more than one; I write of melancholy, by being busy to avoid melancholy.  There is no greater cause of melancholy than idleness, “no better cure than business,” as [56]Rhasis holds:  and howbeit, stultus labor est ineptiarum, to be busy in toys is to small purpose, yet hear that divine Seneca, aliud agere quam nihil, better do to no end, than nothing.  I wrote therefore, and busied myself in this playing labour, oliosaque diligentia ut vitarem torporum feriandi with Vectius in Macrobius, atque otium in utile verterem negatium.

[57] “Simul et jucunda et idonea dicere vita,
        Lectorem delectando simul atque monendo.”

       “Poets would profit or delight mankind,
        And with the pleasing have th’ instructive joined. 
        Profit and pleasure, then, to mix with art,
        T’ inform the judgment, nor offend the heart,
        Shall gain all votes.”

To this end I write, like them, saith Lucian, that “recite to trees, and declaim to pillars for want of auditors:”  as [58]Paulus Aegineta ingenuously confesseth, “not that anything was unknown or omitted, but to exercise myself,” which course if some took, I think it would be good for their bodies, and much better for their souls; or peradventure as others do, for fame, to show myself (Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter).  I might be of Thucydides’ opinion, [59]"to know a thing and not to express it, is all one as if he knew it not.”  When I first took this task in hand, et quod ait [60]ille, impellents genio negotium suscepi, this I aimed at; [61]_vel

Page 21

Yea, but you will infer that this is [68]_actum agere_, an unnecessary work, cramben bis coctam apponnere, the same again and again in other words.  To what purpose? [69]"Nothing is omitted that may well be said,” so thought Lucian in the like theme.  How many excellent physicians have written just volumes and elaborate tracts of this subject?  No news here; that which I have is stolen, from others, [70]_Dicitque mihi mea pagina fur es_.  If that severe doom of [71]Synesius be true, “it is a greater offence to steal dead men’s labours, than their clothes,” what shall become of most writers?  I hold up my hand at the bar among others, and am guilty of felony in this kind, habes confitentem reum, I am content to be pressed with the rest.  ’Tis most true, tenet insanabile multos scribendi cacoethes, and [72]"there is no end of writing of books,” as the wiseman found of old, in this [73]scribbling

Page 22

Page 23

[89]    ------“Qui talia legit,
Quid didicit tandem, quid scit nisi somnia, nugas?”

So that oftentimes it falls out (which Callimachus taxed of old) a great book is a great mischief. [90]Cardan finds fault with Frenchmen and Germans, for their scribbling to no purpose, non inquit ab edendo deterreo, modo novum aliquid inveniant, he doth not bar them to write, so that it be some new invention of their own; but we weave the same web still, twist the same rope again and again; or if it be a new invention, ’tis but some bauble or toy which idle fellows write, for as idle fellows to read, and who so cannot invent? [91]"He must have a barren wit, that in this scribbling age can forge nothing. [92]Princes show their armies, rich men vaunt their buildings, soldiers their manhood, and scholars vent their toys;” they must read, they must hear whether they will or no.

[93] “Et quodcunque semel chartis illeverit, omnes
        Gestiet a furno redeuntes scire lacuque,
        Et pueros et anus”------

       “What once is said and writ, all men must know,
        Old wives and children as they come and go.”

“What a company of poets hath this year brought out,” as Pliny complains to Sossius Sinesius. [94]"This April every day some or other have recited.”  What a catalogue of new books all this year, all this age (I say), have our Frankfort Marts, our domestic Marts brought out?  Twice a year, [95] Proferunt se nova ingenia et ostentant, we stretch our wits out, and set them to sale, magno conatu nihil agimus.  So that which [96]Gesner much desires, if a speedy reformation be not had, by some prince’s edicts and grave supervisors, to restrain this liberty, it will run on in infinitum. Quis tam avidus librorum helluo, who can read them?  As already, we shall have a vast chaos and confusion of books, we are [97]oppressed with them, [98]our eyes ache with reading, our fingers with turning.  For my part I am one of the number, nos numerus sumus, (we are mere ciphers):  I do not deny it, I have only this of Macrobius to say for myself, Omne meum, nihil meum, ’tis all mine, and none mine.  As a good housewife out of divers fleeces weaves one piece of cloth, a bee gathers wax and honey out of many flowers, and makes a new bundle of all, Floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant, I have laboriously [99]collected this cento out of divers writers, and that sine injuria, I have wronged no authors, but given every man his own; which [100]Hierom so much commends in Nepotian; he stole not whole verses, pages, tracts, as some do nowadays, concealing their authors’ names, but still said this was Cyprian’s, that Lactantius, that Hilarius, so said Minutius Felix, so Victorinus, thus far Arnobius:  I cite and quote mine authors (which, howsoever some illiterate scribblers account pedantical, as a cloak of ignorance, and opposite to their affected fine style, I must

Page 24

------“donec quid grandius aetas
Postera sorsque ferat melior.”------[102]

Though there were many giants of old in physic and philosophy, yet I say with [103]Didacus Stella, “A dwarf standing on the shoulders of a giant may see farther than a giant himself;” I may likely add, alter, and see farther than my predecessors; and it is no greater prejudice for me to indite after others, than for Aelianus Montaltus, that famous physician, to write de morbis capitis after Jason Pratensis, Heurnius, Hildesheim, &c., many horses to run in a race, one logician, one rhetorician, after another.  Oppose then what thou wilt,

       “Allatres licet usque nos et usque
        Et gannitibus improbis lacessas.”

I solve it thus.  And for those other faults of barbarism, [104]Doric dialect, extemporanean style, tautologies, apish imitation, a rhapsody of rags gathered together from several dunghills, excrements of authors, toys and fopperies confusedly tumbled out, without art, invention, judgment, wit, learning, harsh, raw, rude, fantastical, absurd, insolent, indiscreet, ill-composed, indigested, vain, scurrile, idle, dull, and dry; I confess all (’tis partly affected), thou canst not think worse of me than I do of myself.  ’Tis not worth the reading, I yield it, I desire thee not to lose time in perusing so vain a subject, I should be peradventure loath myself to read him or thee so writing; ’tis not operae, pretium.  All I say is this, that I have [105]precedents for it, which Isocrates calls perfugium iis qui peccant, others as absurd, vain, idle, illiterate, &c. Nonnulli alii idem fecerunt; others have done as much, it may be more, and perhaps thou thyself, Novimus et qui te, &c.  We have all our faults; scimus, et hanc, veniaim, &c.; [106]thou censurest me, so have I done others, and may do thee, Cedimus inque vicem, &c., ’tis lex talionis, quid pro quo.  Go now, censure, criticise, scoff, and rail.

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[107] “Nasutus cis usque licet, sis denique nasus: 
        Non potes in nugas dicere plura meas,
        Ipse ego quam dixi, &c.”

       “Wert thou all scoffs and flouts, a very Momus,
        Than we ourselves, thou canst not say worse of us.”

Thus, as when women scold, have I cried whore first, and in some men’s censures I am afraid I have overshot myself, Laudare se vani, vituperare stulti, as I do not arrogate, I will not derogate. Primus vestrum non sum, nec imus, I am none of the best, I am none of the meanest of you.  As I am an inch, or so many feet, so many parasangs, after him or him, I may be peradventure an ace before thee.  Be it therefore as it is, well or ill, I have essayed, put myself upon the stage; I must abide the censure, I may not escape it.  It is most true, stylus virum arguit, our style bewrays us, and as [108]hunters find their game by the trace, so is a man’s genius descried by his works, Multo melius ex sermone quam lineamentis, de moribus hominum judicamus; it was old Cato’s rule.  I have laid myself open (I know it) in this treatise, turned mine inside outward:  I shall be censured, I doubt not; for, to say truth with Erasmus, nihil morosius hominum judiciis, there is nought so peevish as men’s judgments; yet this is some comfort, ut palata, sic judicia, our censures are as various as our palates.

[109] “Tres mihi convivae prope dissentire videntur,
        Poscentes vario multum diversa palato,” &c.

       “Three guests I have, dissenting at my feast,
        Requiring each to gratify his taste
        With different food.”

Our writings are as so many dishes, our readers guests, our books like beauty, that which one admires another rejects; so are we approved as men’s fancies are inclined. Pro captu lectoris habent sua fata libelli..  That which is most pleasing to one is amaracum sui, most harsh to another. Quot homines, tot sententiae, so many men, so many minds:  that which thou condemnest he commends. [110]_Quod petis, id sane est invisum acidumque duobus_.  He respects matter, thou art wholly for words; he loves a loose and free style, thou art all for neat composition, strong lines, hyperboles, allegories; he desires a fine frontispiece, enticing pictures, such as [111]Hieron.  Natali the Jesuit hath cut to the Dominicals, to draw on the reader’s attention, which thou rejectest; that which one admires, another explodes as most absurd and ridiculous.  If it be not point blank to his humour, his method, his conceit, [112]_si quid, forsan omissum, quod is animo conceperit, si quae dictio_, &c.  If aught be omitted, or added, which he likes, or dislikes, thou art mancipium paucae lectionis, an idiot, an ass, nullus es, or plagiarius, a trifler, a trivant, thou art an idle fellow; or else it is a thing of mere industry, a collection without wit or invention, a very toy. [113]_Facilia sic putant omnes quae jam facta, nec de salebris cogitant, ubi via strata_; so men are valued, their labours vilified by fellows of no worth themselves, as things of nought, who could not have done as much. Unusquisque abundat sensu suo, every man abounds in his own sense; and whilst each particular party is so affected, how should one please all?

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[114] “Quid dem? quid non dem?  Renuis tu quod jubet ille.”

------“What courses must I choose? 
What not?  What both would order you refuse.”

How shall I hope to express myself to each man’s humour and [115]conceit, or to give satisfaction to all?  Some understand too little, some too much, qui similiter in legendos libros, atque in salutandos homines irruunt, non cogitantes quales, sed quibus vestibus induti sint, as [116]Austin observes, not regarding what, but who write, [117]_orexin habet auctores celebritas_, not valuing the metal, but stamp that is upon it, Cantharum aspiciunt, non quid in eo.  If he be not rich, in great place, polite and brave, a great doctor, or full fraught with grand titles, though never so well qualified, he is a dunce; but, as [118]Baronius hath it of Cardinal Caraffa’s works, he is a mere hog that rejects any man for his poverty.  Some are too partial, as friends to overween, others come with a prejudice to carp, vilify, detract, and scoff; (qui de me forsan, quicquid est, omni contemptu contemptius judicant) some as bees for honey, some as spiders to gather poison.  What shall I do in this case?  As a Dutch host, if you come to an inn in.  Germany, and dislike your fare, diet, lodging, &c., replies in a surly tone, [119]_aliud tibi quaeras diversorium_, if you like not this, get you to another inn:  I resolve, if you like not my writing, go read something else.  I do not much esteem thy censure, take thy course, it is not as thou wilt, nor as I will, but when we have both done, that of [120]Plinius Secundus to Trajan will prove true, “Every man’s witty labour takes not, except the matter, subject, occasion, and some commending favourite happen to it.”  If I be taxed, exploded by thee and some such, I shall haply be approved and commended by others, and so have been (Expertus loquor), and may truly say with [121]Jovius in like case, (absit verbo jactantia) heroum quorundam, pontificum, et virorum nobilium familiaritatem et amicitiam, gratasque gratias, et multorum [122] bene laudatorum laudes sum inde promeritus, as I have been honoured by some worthy men, so have I been vilified by others, and shall be.  At the first publishing of this book, (which [123]Probus of Persius satires), editum librum continuo mirari homines, atque avide deripere caeperunt, I may in some sort apply to this my work.  The first, second, and third edition were suddenly gone, eagerly read, and, as I have said, not so much approved by some, as scornfully rejected by others.  But it was Democritus his fortune, Idem admirationi et [124]irrisioni habitus.  ’Twas Seneca’s fate, that superintendent of wit, learning, judgment, [125]_ad stuporem doctus_, the best of Greek and Latin writers, in Plutarch’s opinion; that “renowned corrector of vice,” as, [126]Fabius terms him, “and painful omniscious philosopher, that writ so excellently and admirably well,” could not please all parties, or escape censure.  How is

Page 27

[132]   ------“laudatus abunde,
Non fastiditus si tibi, lector, ero.”

I fear good men’s censures, and to their favourable acceptance I submit my labours,

[133]   ------“et linguas mancipiorum
Contemno.”------

As the barking of a dog, I securely contemn those malicious and scurrile obloquies, flouts, calumnies of railers and detractors; I scorn the rest.  What therefore I have said, pro tenuitate mea, I have said.

One or two things yet I was desirous to have amended if I could, concerning the manner of handling this my subject, for which I must apologise, deprecari, and upon better advice give the friendly reader notice:  it was not mine intent to prostitute my muse in English, or to divulge secreta Minervae, but to have exposed this more contract in Latin, if I could have got it printed.  Any scurrile pamphlet is welcome to our mercenary stationers in English; they print all

------“cuduntque libellos
In quorum foliis vix simia nuda cacaret;”

But in Latin they will not deal; which is one of the reasons [134]Nicholas Car, in his oration of the paucity of English writers, gives, that so many flourishing wits are smothered in oblivion, lie dead and buried in this our nation.  Another main fault is, that I have not revised the copy, and amended the style, which now flows remissly, as it was first conceived; but my leisure would not permit; Feci nec quod potui, nec quod volui, I confess it is neither as I would, nor as it should be.

[135] “Cum relego scripsisse pudet, quia plurima cerno
        Me quoque quae fuerant judice digna lini.”

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       “When I peruse this tract which I have writ,
        I am abash’d, and much I hold unfit.”

Et quod gravissimum, in the matter itself, many things I disallow at this present, which when I writ, [136]_Non eadem est aetas, non mens_; I would willingly retract much, &c., but ’tis too late, I can only crave pardon now for what is amiss.

I might indeed, (had I wisely done) observed that precept of the poet,
------nonumque prematur in annum, and have taken more care:  or, as
Alexander the physician would have done by lapis lazuli, fifty times washed
before it be used, I should have revised, corrected and amended this tract;
but I had not (as I said) that happy leisure, no amanuenses or assistants. 
Pancrates in [137]Lucian, wanting a servant as he went from Memphis to
Coptus in Egypt, took a door bar, and after some superstitious words
pronounced (Eucrates the relator was then present) made it stand up like a
serving-man, fetch him water, turn the spit, serve in supper, and what work
he would besides; and when he had done that service he desired, turned his
man to a stick again.  I have no such skill to make new men at my pleasure,
or means to hire them; no whistle to call like the master of a ship, and
bid them run, &c.  I have no such authority, no such benefactors, as that
noble [138]Ambrosius was to Origen, allowing him six or seven amanuenses to
write out his dictates; I must for that cause do my business myself, and
was therefore enforced, as a bear doth her whelps, to bring forth this
confused lump; I had not time to lick it into form, as she doth her young
ones, but even so to publish it, as it was first written quicquid in
buccam venit, in an extemporean style, as [139]I do commonly all other
exercises, effudi quicquid dictavit genius meus, out of a confused
company of notes, and writ with as small deliberation as I do ordinarily
speak, without all affectation of big words, fustian phrases, jingling
terms, tropes, strong lines, that like [140]Acesta’s arrows caught fire as
they flew, strains of wit, brave heats, elegies, hyperbolical exornations,
elegancies, &c., which many so much affect.  I am [141]_aquae potor_, drink
no wine at all, which so much improves our modern wits, a loose, plain,
rude writer, ficum, voco ficum et ligonem ligonem and as free, as loose,
idem calamo quod in mente, [142]I call a spade a spade, animis haec
scribo, non auribus, I respect matter not words; remembering that of
Cardan, verba propter res, non res propter verba:  and seeking with
Seneca, quid scribam, non quemadmodum, rather what than how to write: 
for as Philo thinks, [143]"He that is conversant about matter, neglects
words, and those that excel in this art of speaking, have no profound
learning,”

[144]  “Verba nitent phaleris, at nullus verba medullas
Intus habent”------

Besides, it was the observation of that wise Seneca,

Page 29

For the matter itself or method, if it be faulty, consider I pray you that of Columella, Nihil perfectum, aut a singulari consummatum industria, no man can observe all, much is defective no doubt, may be justly taxed, altered, and avoided in Galen, Aristotle, those great masters. Boni venatoris ([148]one holds) plures feras capere, non omnes; he is a good huntsman can catch some, not all:  I have done my endeavour.  Besides, I dwell not in this study, Non hic sulcos ducimus, non hoc pulvere desudamus, I am but a smatterer, I confess, a stranger, [149]here and there I pull a flower; I do easily grant, if a rigid censurer should criticise on this which I have writ, he should not find three sole faults, as Scaliger in Terence, but three hundred.  So many as he hath done in Cardan’s subtleties, as many notable errors as [150]Gul Laurembergius, a late professor of Rostock, discovers in that anatomy of Laurentius, or Barocius the Venetian in Sacro boscus.  And although this be a sixth edition, in which I should have been more accurate, corrected all those former escapes, yet it was magni laboris opus, so difficult and tedious, that as carpenters do find out of experience, ’tis much better build a new sometimes, than repair an old house; I could as soon write as much more, as alter that which is written.  If aught therefore be amiss (as I grant there is), I require a friendly admonition, no bitter invective, [151]_Sint musis socii Charites, Furia omnis abesto_, otherwise, as in ordinary controversies, funem contentionis nectamus, sed cui bono?  We may contend, and likely misuse each other, but to what purpose?  We are both scholars, say,

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[152]   ------“Arcades ambo
Et Cantare pares, et respondere parati.”

       “Both young Arcadians, both alike inspir’d
        To sing and answer as the song requir’d.”

If we do wrangle, what shall we get by it?  Trouble and wrong ourselves, make sport to others.  If I be convict of an error, I will yield, I will amend. Si quid bonis moribus, si quid veritati dissentaneum, in sacris vel humanis literis a me dictum sit, id nec dictum esto.  In the mean time I require a favourable censure of all faults omitted, harsh compositions, pleonasms of words, tautological repetitions (though Seneca bear me out, nunquam nimis dicitur, quod nunquam satis dicitur) perturbations of tenses, numbers, printers’ faults, &c.  My translations are sometimes rather paraphrases than interpretations, non ad verbum, but as an author, I use more liberty, and that’s only taken which was to my purpose.  Quotations are often inserted in the text, which makes the style more harsh, or in the margin, as it happened.  Greek authors, Plato, Plutarch, Athenaeus, &c., I have cited out of their interpreters, because the original was not so ready.  I have mingled sacra prophanis, but I hope not profaned, and in repetition of authors’ names, ranked them per accidens, not according to chronology; sometimes neoterics before ancients, as my memory suggested.  Some things are here altered, expunged in this sixth edition, others amended, much added, because many good [153]authors in all kinds are come to my hands since, and ’tis no prejudice, no such indecorum, or oversight.

[154] “Nunquam ita quicquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fuit,
        Quin res, aetas, usus, semper aliquid apportent novi,
        Aliquid moneant, ut illa quae scire te credas, nescias,
        Et quae tibi putaris prima, in exercendo ut repudias.”

       “Ne’er was ought yet at first contriv’d so fit,
        But use, age, or something would alter it;
        Advise thee better, and, upon peruse,
        Make thee not say, and what thou tak’st refuse.”

But I am now resolved never to put this treatise out again, Ne quid nimis, I will not hereafter add, alter, or retract; I have done.  The last and greatest exception is, that I, being a divine, have meddled with physic,

[155] “Tantumne est ab re tua otii tibi,
        Aliena ut cures, eaque nihil quae ad te attinent.”

Which Menedemus objected to Chremes; have I so much leisure, or little business of mine own, as to look after other men’s matters which concern me not?  What have I to do with physic? Quod medicorum est promittant medici.  The [156]Lacedaemonians were once in counsel about state matters, a debauched fellow spake excellent well, and to the purpose, his speech was generally approved:  a grave senator steps up, and by all means would have it repealed, though good, because dehonestabatur pessimo auctore,

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“At melius fuerat non scribere, namque tacere
Tutum semper erit,”------[162]

’Tis a general fault, so Severinus the Dane complains [163]in physic, “unhappy men as we are, we spend our days in unprofitable questions and disputations,” intricate subtleties, de lana caprina about moonshine in the water, “leaving in the mean time those chiefest treasures of nature untouched, wherein the best medicines for all manner of diseases are to be found, and do not only neglect them ourselves, but hinder, condemn, forbid, and scoff at others, that are willing to inquire after them.”  These motives at this present have induced me to make choice of this medicinal subject.

If any physician in the mean time shall infer, Ne sutor ultra crepidam, and find himself grieved that I have intruded into his profession, I will tell him in brief, I do not otherwise by them, than they do by us.  If it be for their advantage, I know many of their sect which have taken orders, in hope of a benefice, ’tis a common transition, and why may not a melancholy divine, that can get nothing but by simony, profess physic?  Drusianus an Italian (Crusianus, but corruptly, Trithemius calls him) [164]"because he was not fortunate in his practice, forsook his profession, and writ afterwards in divinity.”  Marcilius Ficinus was semel et simul; a priest and a physician at once, and [165]T.  Linacer in his old age took orders.  The Jesuits profess both at this time, divers of them permissu superiorum, chirurgeons, panders, bawds, and midwives, &c.  Many poor country-vicars, for want of other means, are driven to their shifts; to turn mountebanks, quacksalvers, empirics, and if our greedy patrons hold us to such hard conditions, as commonly they do, they will make most of us work at some trade, as Paul did, at last turn taskers, maltsters, costermongers, graziers, sell ale as some have done, or worse.  Howsoever in undertaking this task, I hope I shall commit no great error or indecorum, if all be considered aright, I can vindicate myself with Georgius Braunus, and Hieronymus Hemingius, those two learned divines; who (to borrow a line or two of mine [166]elder brother) drawn by a “natural love, the one of pictures and maps, prospectives and chorographical delights, writ that ample theatre of cities; the other to the study of genealogies, penned theatrum genealogicum.”  Or else I can excuse my studies with [167]Lessius the Jesuit in like case.  It is a disease of the soul on which I am to treat, and as much appertaining to a divine as to a physician, and who knows not what an agreement there is betwixt these two professions?  A good divine either is or ought to be a good physician, a spiritual physician at least, as our Saviour calls himself, and was indeed, Mat. iv. 23; Luke, v. 18; Luke, vii. 8.  They differ but in object, the one of the body, the other of the soul, and use divers medicines to cure; one amends animam per corpus,

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[169] “Alterius sic altera poscit opem.”

------“when in friendship joined
A mutual succour in each other find.”

And ’tis proper to them both, and I hope not unbeseeming me, who am by my profession a divine, and by mine inclination a physician.  I had Jupiter in my sixth house; I say with [170]Beroaldus, non sum medicus, nec medicinae prorsus expers, in the theory of physic I have taken some pains, not with an intent to practice, but to satisfy myself, which was a cause likewise of the first undertaking of this subject.

If these reasons do not satisfy thee, good reader, as Alexander Munificus that bountiful prelate, sometimes bishop of Lincoln, when he had built six castles, ad invidiam operis eluendam, saith [171]Mr. Camden, to take away the envy of his work (which very words Nubrigensis hath of Roger the rich bishop of Salisbury, who in king Stephen’s time built Shirburn castle, and that of Devises), to divert the scandal or imputation, which might be thence inferred, built so many religious houses.  If this my discourse be over-medicinal, or savour too much of humanity, I promise thee that I will hereafter make thee amends in some treatise of divinity.  But this I hope shall suffice, when you have more fully considered of the matter of this my subject, rem substratam, melancholy, madness, and of the reasons following, which were my chief motives:  the generality of the disease, the necessity of the cure, and the commodity or common good that will arise to all men by the knowledge of it, as shall at large appear in the ensuing preface.  And I doubt not but that in the end you will say with me, that to anatomise this humour aright, through all the members of this our Microcosmus, is as great a task, as to reconcile those chronological errors in the Assyrian monarchy, find out the quadrature of a circle, the creeks and sounds of the north-east, or north-west passages, and all out as good a discovery as that hungry [172]Spaniard’s of Terra Australis Incognita, as great trouble as to perfect the motion of Mars and Mercury, which so crucifies our astronomers, or to rectify the Gregorian Calendar.  I am so

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Of the necessity and generality of this which I have said, if any man doubt, I shall desire him to make a brief survey of the world, as [176] Cyprian adviseth Donat, “supposing himself to be transported to the top of some high mountain, and thence to behold the tumults and chances of this wavering world, he cannot choose but either laugh at, or pity it.”  S. Hierom out of a strong imagination, being in the wilderness, conceived with himself, that he then saw them dancing in Rome; and if thou shalt either conceive, or climb to see, thou shalt soon perceive that all the world is mad, that it is melancholy, dotes; that it is (which Epichthonius Cosmopolites expressed not many years since in a map) made like a fool’s head (with that motto, Caput helleboro dignum) a crazed head, cavea stultorum, a fool’s paradise, or as Apollonius, a common prison of gulls, cheaters, flatterers, &c. and needs to be reformed.  Strabo in the ninth book of his geography, compares Greece to the picture of a man, which comparison of his, Nic.  Gerbelius in his exposition of Sophianus’ map, approves; the breast lies open from those Acroceraunian hills in Epirus, to the Sunian promontory in Attica; Pagae and Magaera are the two shoulders; that Isthmus of Corinth the neck; and Peloponnesus the head.  If this allusion hold, ’tis sure a mad head; Morea may be Moria; and to speak what I think, the inhabitants of modern Greece swerve as much from reason and true religion at this day, as that Morea doth from the picture of a man.  Examine the rest in like sort, and you shall find that kingdoms and provinces are melancholy, cities and families, all creatures,

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That men are so misaffected, melancholy, mad, giddy-headed, hear the testimony of Solomon, Eccl. ii. 12.  “And I turned to behold wisdom, madness and folly,” &c.  And ver. 23:  “All his days are sorrow, his travel grief, and his heart taketh no rest in the night.”  So that take melancholy in what sense you will, properly or improperly, in disposition or habit, for pleasure or for pain, dotage, discontent, fear, sorrow, madness, for part, or all, truly, or metaphorically, ’tis all one.  Laughter itself is madness according to Solomon, and as St. Paul hath it, “Worldly sorrow brings death.”  “The hearts of the sons of men are evil, and madness is in their hearts while they live,” Eccl. ix. 3.  “Wise men themselves are no better.”  Eccl. i. 18.  “In the multitude of wisdom is much grief, and he that increaseth wisdom, increaseth sorrow,” chap. ii. 17.  He hated life itself, nothing pleased

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I know that we think far otherwise, and hold them most part wise men that are in authority, princes, magistrates, [184]rich men, they are wise men born, all politicians and statesmen must needs be so, for who dare speak against them?  And on the other, so corrupt is our judgment, we esteem wise and honest men fools.  Which Democritus well signified in an epistle of his to Hippocrates:  [185]the “Abderites account virtue madness,” and so do most men living.  Shall I tell you the reason of it? [186]Fortune and Virtue, Wisdom and Folly, their seconds, upon a time contended in the Olympics; every man thought that Fortune and Folly would have the worst, and pitied their cases; but it fell out otherwise.  Fortune was blind and cared not where she stroke, nor whom, without laws, Audabatarum instar, &c.  Folly, rash and inconsiderate, esteemed as little what she said or did.  Virtue and Wisdom gave [187]place, were hissed out, and exploded by the common people; Folly and Fortune admired, and so are all their followers ever since:  knaves and fools commonly fare and deserve best in worldlings’ eyes and opinions.  Many good men have no better fate in their ages:  Achish, 1 Sam. xxi. 14, held David for a madman. [188]Elisha and the rest were no otherwise esteemed.  David was derided of the common people, Ps. ix. 7, “I am become a monster to many.”  And generally we are accounted fools for Christ, 1 Cor. xiv.  “We fools thought his life madness, and his end without honour,” Wisd. v. 4.  Christ and his Apostles were censured in like sort, John x.; Mark iii.; Acts xxvi.  And so were all Christians

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Yea even all those great philosophers the world hath ever had in admiration, whose works we do so much esteem, that gave precepts of wisdom to others, inventors of Arts and Sciences, Socrates the wisest man of his time by the Oracle of Apollo, whom his two scholars, [193]Plato and [194] Xenophon, so much extol and magnify with those honourable titles, “best and wisest of all mortal men, the happiest, and most just;” and as [195] Alcibiades incomparably commends him; Achilles was a worthy man, but Bracides and others were as worthy as himself; Antenor and Nestor were as good as Pericles, and so of the rest; but none present, before, or after Socrates, nemo veterum neque eorum qui nunc sunt, were ever such, will match, or come near him.  Those seven wise men of Greece, those Britain Druids, Indian Brachmanni, Ethiopian Gymnosophist, Magi of the Persians, Apollonius, of whom Philostratus, Non doctus, sed natus sapiens, wise from his cradle, Epicurus so much admired by his scholar Lucretius: 

       “Qui genus humanum ingenio superavit, et omnes
        Perstrinxit stellas exortus ut aetherius sol.”

       “Whose wit excell’d the wits of men as far,
        As the sun rising doth obscure a star,”

Or that so much renowned Empedocles,

[196] “Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.”

All those of whom we read such [197]hyperbolical eulogiums, as of Aristotle, that he was wisdom itself in the abstract, [198]a miracle of nature, breathing libraries, as Eunapius of Longinus, lights of nature, giants for wit, quintessence of wit, divine spirits, eagles in the clouds, fallen from heaven, gods, spirits, lamps of the world, dictators, Nulla ferant talem saecla futura virum:  monarchs, miracles, superintendents of wit and learning, oceanus, phoenix, atlas, monstrum, portentum hominis, orbis universi musaeum, ultimus humana naturae donatus, naturae maritus,

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------“merito cui doctior orbis
Submissis defert fascibus imperium.”

As Aelian writ of Protagoras and Gorgias, we may say of them all, tantum a sapientibus abfuerunt, quantum a viris pueri, they were children in respect, infants, not eagles, but kites; novices, illiterate, Eunuchi sapientiae.  And although they were the wisest, and most admired in their age, as he censured Alexander, I do them, there were 10,000 in his army as worthy captains (had they been in place of command) as valiant as himself; there were myriads of men wiser in those days, and yet all short of what they ought to be. [199]Lactantius, in his book of wisdom, proves them to be dizzards, fools, asses, madmen, so full of absurd and ridiculous tenets, and brain-sick positions, that to his thinking never any old woman or sick person doted worse. [200]Democritus took all from Leucippus, and left, saith he, “the inheritance of his folly to Epicurus,” [201]_insanienti dum sapientiae_, &c.  The like he holds of Plato, Aristippus, and the rest, making no difference [202]"betwixt them and beasts, saving that they could speak.” [203]Theodoret in his tract, De cur. grec. affect. manifestly evinces as much of Socrates, whom though that Oracle of Apollo confirmed to be the wisest man then living, and saved him from plague, whom 2000 years have admired, of whom some will as soon speak evil as of Christ, yet re vera, he was an illiterate idiot, as [204]Aristophanes calls him, irriscor et ambitiosus, as his master Aristotle terms him, scurra Atticus, as Zeno, an [205]enemy to all arts and sciences, as Athaeneus, to philosophers and travellers, an opiniative ass, a caviller, a kind of pedant; for his manners, as Theod.  Cyrensis describes him, a [206] sodomite, an atheist, (so convict by Anytus) iracundus et ebrius, dicax, &c. a pot-companion, by [207]Plato’s own confession, a sturdy drinker; and that of all others he was most sottish, a very madman in his actions and opinions.  Pythagoras was part philosopher, part magician, or part witch.  If you desire to hear more of Apollonius, a great wise man, sometime paralleled by Julian the apostate to Christ, I refer you to that learned tract of Eusebius against Hierocles, and for them all to Lucian’s Piscator, Icaromenippus, Necyomantia:  their actions, opinions in general were so prodigious, absurd, ridiculous, which they broached and maintained, their books and elaborate treatises were full of dotage, which Tully ad Atticum long since observed, delirant plerumque scriptores in libris suis, their lives being opposite to their words, they commended poverty to others, and were most covetous themselves, extolled love and peace, and yet persecuted one another with virulent hate and malice.  They could give precepts for verse and prose, but not a man of them (as [208]Seneca tells them home) could moderate his affections.  Their music did show us flebiles modos, &c. how to

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Yea, but you will infer, that is true of heathens, if they be conferred with Christians, 1 Cor. iii. 19.  “The wisdom of this world is foolishness with God, earthly and devilish,” as James calls it, iii. 15.  “They were vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was full of darkness,” Rom. i. 21, 22.  “When they professed themselves wise, became fools.”  Their witty works are admired here on earth, whilst their souls are tormented in hell fire.  In some sense, Christiani Crassiani, Christians are Crassians, and if compared to that wisdom, no better than fools. Quis est sapiens?  Solus Deus, [211]Pythagoras replies, “God is only wise,” Rom. xvi.  Paul determines “only good,” as Austin well contends, “and no man living can be justified in his sight.”  “God looked down from heaven upon the children of men, to see if any did understand,” Psalm liii. 2, 3, but all are corrupt, err.  Rom. iii. 12, “None doeth good, no, not one.”  Job aggravates this, iv. 18, “Behold he found no steadfastness in his servants, and laid folly upon his angels;” 19.  “How much more on them that dwell in houses of clay?” In this sense we are all fools, and the [212]Scripture alone is arx Minervae, we and our writings are shallow and imperfect.  But I do not so mean; even in our ordinary dealings we are no better than fools.  “All our actions,” as [213]Pliny told Trajan, “upbraid us of folly,” our whole course of life is but matter of laughter:  we are not soberly wise; and the world itself, which ought at least to be wise by reason of his antiquity, as [214]Hugo de Prato Florido will have it, “semper stultizat, is every day more foolish than other; the more it is whipped, the worse it is, and as a child will still be crowned with roses and flowers.”  We are apish in it, asini bipedes, and every place is full inversorum Apuleiorum of metamorphosed and two-legged asses, inversorum Silenorum, childish, pueri instar bimuli, tremula patris dormientis in ulna.  Jovianus Pontanus, Antonio Dial, brings in some laughing at an old man, that by reason of his age was a little fond, but as he admonisheth

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When [219]Socrates had taken great pains to find out a wise man, and to that purpose had consulted with philosophers, poets, artificers, he concludes all men were fools; and though it procured him both anger and much envy, yet in all companies he would openly profess it.  When [220] Supputius in Pontanus had travelled all over Europe to confer with a wise man, he returned at last without his errand, and could find none. [221] Cardan concurs with him, “Few there are (for aught I can perceive) well in their wits.”  So doth [222]Tully, “I see everything to be done foolishly and unadvisedly.”

       “Ille sinistrorsum, hic dextrorsum, unus utrique
        Error, sed variis illudit partibus omnes.”

       “One reels to this, another to that wall,
        ’Tis the same error that deludes them all.”

[223]They dote all, but not alike, [Greek:  Mania gar pasin homoia], not in the same kind, “One is covetous, a second lascivious, a third ambitious, a fourth envious,” &c. as Damasippus the Stoic hath well illustrated in the poet,

[224] “Desipiunt omnes aeque ac tu.”

       “And they who call you fool, with equal claim
        May plead an ample title to the name.”

’Tis an inbred malady in every one of us, there is seminarium stultitiae, a seminary of folly, “which if it be stirred up, or get ahead, will run in infinitum, and infinitely varies, as we ourselves are severally addicted,” saith [225]Balthazar Castilio:  and cannot so easily be rooted out, it takes such fast hold, as Tully holds, altae radices stultitiae, [226]so we are bred, and so we continue.  Some say there be two main defects of wit, error and ignorance, to which all others are reduced; by ignorance we know not things necessary, by error we know them falsely.  Ignorance is a privation, error a positive act.  From ignorance comes vice, from error heresy, &c.  But make how many kinds you will, divide and subdivide, few men are free, or that do not impinge on some one kind or other. [227]_Sic plerumque agitat stultos inscitia_, as he that examines his own and other men’s actions shall find.

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[228]Charon in Lucian, as he wittily feigns, was conducted by Mercury to such a place, where he might see all the world at once; after he had sufficiently viewed, and looked about, Mercury would needs know of him what he had observed:  He told him that he saw a vast multitude and a promiscuous, their habitations like molehills, the men as emmets, “he could discern cities like so many hives of bees, wherein every bee had a sting, and they did nought else but sting one another, some domineering like hornets bigger than the rest, some like filching wasps, others as drones.”  Over their heads were hovering a confused company of perturbations, hope, fear, anger, avarice, ignorance, &c., and a multitude of diseases hanging, which they still pulled on their pates.  Some were brawling, some fighting, riding, running, sollicite ambientes, callide litigantes for toys and trifles, and such momentary things, Their towns and provinces mere factions, rich against poor, poor against rich, nobles against artificers, they against nobles, and so the rest.  In conclusion, he condemned them all for madmen, fools, idiots, asses, O stulti, quaenam haec est amentia?  O fools, O madmen, he exclaims, insana studia, insani labores, &c.  Mad endeavours, mad actions, mad, mad, mad, [229]_O saeclum insipiens et infacetum_, a giddy-headed age.  Heraclitus the philosopher, out of a serious meditation of men’s lives, fell a weeping, and with continual tears bewailed their misery, madness, and folly.  Democritus on the other side, burst out a laughing, their whole life seemed to him so ridiculous, and he was so far carried with this ironical passion, that the citizens of Abdera took him to be mad, and sent therefore ambassadors to Hippocrates, the physician, that he would exercise his skill upon him.  But the story is set down at large by Hippocrates, in his epistle to Damogetus, which because it is not impertinent to this discourse, I will insert verbatim almost as it is delivered by Hippocrates himself, with all the circumstances belonging unto it.

When Hippocrates was now come to Abdera, the people of the city came flocking about him, some weeping, some intreating of him, that he would do his best.  After some little repast, he went to see Democritus, the people following him, whom he found (as before) in his garden in the suburbs all alone, [230]"sitting upon a stone under a plane tree, without hose or shoes, with a book on his knees, cutting up several beasts, and busy at his study.”  The multitude stood gazing round about to see the congress.  Hippocrates, after a little pause, saluted him by his name, whom he resaluted, ashamed almost that he could not call him likewise by his, or that he had forgot it.  Hippocrates demanded of him what he was doing:  he told him that he was [231]"busy in cutting up several beasts, to find out the cause of madness and melancholy.”  Hippocrates commended his work, admiring his happiness and leisure.  And why, quoth Democritus, have not

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When Hippocrates heard these words so readily uttered, without premeditation, to declare the world’s vanity, full of ridiculous contrariety, he made answer, that necessity compelled men to many such actions, and divers wills ensuing from divine permission, that we might not be idle, being nothing is so odious to them as sloth and negligence.  Besides, men cannot foresee future events, in this uncertainty of human affairs; they would not so marry, if they could foretell the causes of their dislike and separation; or parents, if they knew the hour of their children’s death, so tenderly provide for them; or an husbandman sow, if he thought there would be no increase; or a merchant adventure to sea, if he foresaw shipwreck; or be a magistrate, if presently to be deposed.  Alas, worthy Democritus, every man hopes the best, and to that end he doth it, and therefore no such cause, or ridiculous occasion of laughter.

Democritus hearing this poor excuse, laughed again aloud, perceiving he wholly mistook him, and did not well understand what he had said concerning perturbations and tranquillity of the mind.  Insomuch, that if men would govern their actions by discretion and providence, they would not declare themselves fools as now they do, and he should have no cause of laughter; but (quoth he) they swell in this life as if they were immortal, and demigods, for want of understanding.  It were enough to make them wise, if they would but consider the mutability of this world, and how it wheels about, nothing being firm and sure.  He that is now above, tomorrow is beneath; he that sate on this side today, tomorrow is hurled on the other:  and not considering these matters, they fall into many inconveniences and troubles, coveting things of no profit, and thirsting after them, tumbling headlong into many calamities.  So that if men would attempt no more than what they can bear, they should lead contented lives, and learning to know themselves, would limit their ambition, [241]they would perceive then that nature hath enough without seeking such superfluities, and unprofitable things, which bring nothing with them but grief and molestation.  As a fat body is more subject to diseases, so are rich men to absurdities and fooleries, to many casualties and cross inconveniences.  There are many that take no heed what happeneth to others by bad conversation, and therefore overthrow themselves in the same manner through their own fault, not foreseeing dangers manifest.  These are things (O more than mad, quoth he) that give me matter of laughter, by suffering the pains of your impieties, as your avarice, envy, malice, enormous villainies, mutinies, unsatiable desires, conspiracies, and other incurable vices; besides your [242]dissimulation and hypocrisy, bearing deadly hatred one to the other, and yet shadowing it with a good face, flying out into all filthy lusts, and transgressions of all laws, both of nature and civility.  Many things which they have left off, after a while they

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It grew late:  Hippocrates left him; and no sooner was he come away, but all the citizens came about flocking, to know how he liked him.  He told them in brief, that notwithstanding those small neglects of his attire, body, diet, [255]the world had not a wiser, a more learned, a more honest man, and they were much deceived to say that he was mad.

Thus Democritus esteemed of the world in his time, and this was the cause of his laughter:  and good cause he had.

[256] “Olim jure quidem, nunc plus Democrite ride;
          Quin rides? vita haec nunc mage ridicula est.”

       “Democritus did well to laugh of old,
          Good cause he had, but now much more;
        This life of ours is more ridiculous
          Than that of his, or long before.”

Never so much cause of laughter as now, never so many fools and madmen.  ’Tis not one [257]Democritus will serve turn to laugh in these days; we have now need of a “Democritus to laugh at Democritus;” one jester to flout at another, one fool to fleer at another:  a great stentorian Democritus, as big as that Rhodian Colossus, For now, as [258]Salisburiensis said in his time, totus mundus histrionem agit, the whole world plays the fool; we have a new theatre, a new scene, a new comedy of errors, a new company of personate actors, volupiae sacra (as Calcagninus willingly feigns in his Apologues) are celebrated all the world over, [259]where all the actors were madmen and fools, and every hour changed habits, or took that which came next.  He that was a mariner today, is an apothecary tomorrow; a smith one while, a philosopher another, in his volupiae ludis; a king now with his crown, robes, sceptre, attendants, by and by drove a loaded ass before him like a carter, &c.  If Democritus were alive now, he should see strange alterations, a new company of counterfeit vizards, whifflers, Cumane asses, maskers, mummers, painted puppets, outsides, fantastic shadows, gulls, monsters, giddy-heads, butterflies.  And so many of them are indeed ([260]if all be true that I have read).  For when Jupiter and Juno’s wedding was solemnised of old, the gods were all invited to the feast, and many noble men besides:  Amongst the rest came Crysalus, a Persian prince, bravely attended, rich in golden attires, in gay robes, with a majestical presence, but otherwise an ass.  The gods seeing him come in such pomp and state, rose up to give him place, ex habitu hominem metientes; [261]but Jupiter perceiving what he was, a light, fantastic, idle fellow, turned him and his proud followers into butterflies:  and so they continue still (for aught I know to the contrary) roving about in pied coats, and are called chrysalides by the wiser sort of men:  that is, golden outsides, drones, and flies, and things of no worth.  Multitudes of such, &c.

[262]   ------“ubique invenies
Stultos avaros, sycopliantas prodigos.”

Many additions, much increase of madness, folly, vanity, should Democritus observe, were he now to travel, or could get leave of Pluto to come see fashions, as Charon did in Lucian to visit our cities of Moronia Pia, and Moronia Felix:  sure I think he would break the rim of his belly with laughing. [263]_Si foret in terris rideret Democritus, seu_, &c.

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A satirical Roman in his time, thought all vice, folly, and madness were all at full sea, [264]_Omne in praecipiti vitium stetit._

[265]Josephus the historian taxeth his countrymen Jews for bragging of their vices, publishing their follies, and that they did contend amongst themselves who should be most notorious in villainies; but we flow higher in madness, far beyond them,

[266] “Mox daturi progeniem vitiosorem,”

       “And yet with crimes to us unknown,
        Our sons shall mark the coming age their own,”

and the latter end (you know whose oracle it is) is like to be worse.  ’Tis not to be denied, the world alters every day, Ruunt urbes, regna transferuntur, &c. variantur habitus, leges innovantur, as [267]Petrarch observes, we change language, habits, laws, customs, manners, but not vices, not diseases, not the symptoms of folly and madness, they are still the same.  And as a river, we see, keeps the like name and place, but not water, and yet ever runs, [268]_Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevum_; our times and persons alter, vices are the same, and ever will be; look how nightingales sang of old, cocks crowed, kine lowed, sheep bleated, sparrows chirped, dogs barked, so they do still:  we keep our madness still, play the fools still, nec dum finitus Orestes; we are of the same humours and inclinations as our predecessors were; you shall find us all alike, much at one, we and our sons, Et nati natorum, et qui nascuntur ab illis.  And so shall our posterity continue to the last.  But to speak of times present.

If Democritus were alive now, and should but see the superstition of our age, our [269]religious madness, as [270]Meteran calls it, Religiosam insaniam, so many professed Christians, yet so few imitators of Christ; so much talk of religion, so much science, so little conscience; so much knowledge, so many preachers, so little practice; such variety of sects, such have and hold of all sides, [271]—­obvia signis Signa, &c., such absurd and ridiculous traditions and ceremonies:  If he should meet a [272] Capuchin, a Franciscan, a Pharisaical Jesuit, a man-serpent, a shave-crowned Monk in his robes, a begging Friar, or, see their three-crowned Sovereign Lord the Pope, poor Peter’s successor, servus servorum Dei, to depose kings with his foot, to tread on emperors’ necks, make them stand barefoot and barelegged at his gates, hold his bridle and stirrup, &c. (O that Peter and Paul were alive to see this!) If he should observe a [273]prince creep so devoutly to kiss his toe, and those red-cap cardinals, poor parish priests of old, now princes’ companions; what would he say? Coelum ipsum petitur stultitia.  Had he met some of our devout pilgrims going barefoot to Jerusalem, our lady of Lauretto, Rome, S. Iago, S. Thomas’ Shrine, to creep to those counterfeit and maggot-eaten relics; had he been present at a mass, and seen such kissing of paxes, crucifixes, cringes, duckings, their several attires and ceremonies, pictures of saints, [274]indulgences, pardons, vigils, fasting, feasts, crossing, knocking, kneeling at Ave-Marias, bells, with many such; _—­jucunda rudi spectacula plebi_,[275] praying in gibberish, and mumbling of beads.  Had he heard an old woman say her prayers in Latin, their sprinkling of holy water, and going a procession,

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[276]   ------“incedunt monachorum agmina mille;
Quid momerem vexilla, cruces, idolaque culta,” &c.

Their breviaries, bulls, hallowed beans, exorcisms, pictures, curious crosses, fables, and baubles.  Had he read the Golden Legend, the Turks’ Alcoran, or Jews’ Talmud, the Rabbins’ Comments, what would he have thought?  How dost thou think he might have been affected?  Had he more particularly examined a Jesuit’s life amongst the rest, he should have seen an hypocrite profess poverty, [277]and yet possess more goods and lands than many princes, to have infinite treasures and revenues; teach others to fast, and play the gluttons themselves; like watermen that row one way and look another. [278]Vow virginity, talk of holiness, and yet indeed a notorious bawd, and famous fornicator, lascivum pecus, a very goat.  Monks by profession, [279]such as give over the world, and the vanities of it, and yet a Machiavellian rout [280]interested in all manner of state:  holy men, peace-makers, and yet composed of envy, lust, ambition, hatred, and malice; firebrands, adulta patriae pestis, traitors, assassinats, hac itur ad astra, and this is to supererogate, and merit heaven for themselves and others.  Had he seen on the adverse side, some of our nice and curious schismatics in another extreme, abhor all ceremonies, and rather lose their lives and livings, than do or admit anything Papists have formerly used, though in things indifferent (they alone are the true Church, sal terrae, cum sint omnium insulsissimi).  Formalists, out of fear and base flattery, like so many weather-cocks turn round, a rout of temporisers, ready to embrace and maintain all that is or shall be proposed in hope of preferment:  another Epicurean company, lying at lurch as so many vultures, watching for a prey of Church goods, and ready to rise by the downfall of any:  as [281]Lucian said in like case, what dost thou think Democritus would have done, had he been spectator of these things?

Or had he but observed the common people follow like so many sheep one of their fellows drawn by the horns over a gap, some for zeal, some for fear, quo se cunque rapit tempestas, to credit all, examine nothing, and yet ready to die before they will adjure any of those ceremonies to which they have been accustomed; others out of hypocrisy frequent sermons, knock their breasts, turn up their eyes, pretend zeal, desire reformation, and yet professed usurers, gripers, monsters of men, harpies, devils in their lives, to express nothing less.

What would he have said to see, hear, and read so many bloody battles, so many thousands slain at once, such streams of blood able to turn mills:  unius ob noxam furiasque, or to make sport for princes, without any just cause, [282]"for vain titles” (saith Austin), “precedency, some wench, or such like toy, or out of desire of domineering, vainglory, malice, revenge, folly, madness,” (goodly causes

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[327]_Savit amor ferri et scelerati insania belli_; and for that, which if it be done in private, a man shall be rigorously executed, [328]"and which is no less than murder itself; if the same fact be done in public in wars, it is called manhood, and the party is honoured for it.”

[329]   ------“Prosperum et felix scelus,
Virtus vocatur.”------

We measure all as Turks do, by the event, and most part, as Cyprian notes, in all ages, countries, places, saevitiae magnitudo impunitatem sceleris acquirit; the foulness of the fact vindicates the offender. [330]One is crowned for that which another is tormented:  Ille crucem sceleris precium tulit, hic diadema; made a knight, a lord, an earl, a great duke, (as [331]Agrippa notes) for that which another should have hung in gibbets, as a terror to the rest,

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[332]   ------“et tamen alter,
Si fecisset idem, caderet sub judice morum.”

A poor sheep-stealer is hanged for stealing of victuals, compelled peradventure by necessity of that intolerable cold, hunger, and thirst, to save himself from starving:  but a [333]great man in office may securely rob whole provinces, undo thousands, pill and poll, oppress ad libitum, flea, grind, tyrannise, enrich himself by spoils of the commons, be uncontrollable in his actions, and after all, be recompensed with turgent titles, honoured for his good service, and no man dare find fault, or [334] mutter at it.

How would our Democritus have been affected to see a wicked caitiff or [335]"fool, a very idiot, a funge, a golden ass, a monster of men, to have many good men, wise, men, learned men to attend upon him with all submission, as an appendix to his riches, for that respect alone, because he hath more wealth and money,” [336]"to honour him with divine titles, and bombast epithets,” to smother him with fumes and eulogies, whom they know to be a dizzard, a fool, a covetous wretch, a beast, &c. “because he is rich?” To see sub exuviis leonis onagrum, a filthy loathsome carcass, a Gorgon’s head puffed up by parasites, assume this unto himself, glorious titles, in worth an infant, a Cuman ass, a painted sepulchre, an Egyptian temple?  To see a withered face, a diseased, deformed, cankered complexion, a rotten carcass, a viperous mind, and Epicurean soul set out with orient pearls, jewels, diadems, perfumes, curious elaborate works, as proud of his clothes as a child of his new coats; and a goodly person, of an angel-like divine countenance, a saint, an humble mind, a meet spirit clothed in rags, beg, and now ready to be starved?  To see a silly contemptible sloven in apparel, ragged in his coat, polite in speech, of a divine spirit, wise? another neat in clothes, spruce, full of courtesy, empty of grace, wit, talk nonsense?

To see so many lawyers, advocates, so many tribunals, so little justice; so many magistrates, so little care of common good; so many laws, yet never more disorders; Tribunal litium segetem, the Tribunal a labyrinth, so many thousand suits in one court sometimes, so violently followed?  To see injustissimum saepe juri praesidentem, impium religioni, imperitissimum eruditioni, otiosissimum labori, monstrosum humanitati? to see a lamb [337]executed, a wolf pronounce sentence, latro arraigned, and fur sit on the bench, the judge severely punish others, and do worse himself, [338] cundem furtum facere et punire, [339]_rapinam plectere, quum sit ipse raptor_?  Laws altered, misconstrued, interpreted pro and con, as the [340]judge is made by friends, bribed, or otherwise affected as a nose of wax, good today, none tomorrow; or firm in his opinion, cast in his?  Sentence prolonged, changed, ad arbitrium judicis, still the same case, [341]"one thrust out of his inheritance,

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[345]  “Nam quod turpe bonis, Titio, Seioque, decebat Crispinum”------

       “For what would be base in good men, Titius, and Seius, became
        Crispinus.”

[346]Many poor men, younger brothers, &c. by reason of bad policy and idle education (for they are likely brought up in no calling), are compelled to beg or steal, and then hanged for theft; than which, what can be more ignominious, non minus enim turpe principi multa supplicia, quam medico multa funera, ’tis the governor’s fault. Libentius verberant quam docent, as schoolmasters do rather correct their pupils, than teach them when they do amiss. [347]"They had more need provide there should be no more thieves and beggars, as they ought with good policy, and take away the occasions, than let them run on, as they do to their own destruction:  root out likewise those causes of wrangling, a multitude of lawyers, and compose controversies, lites lustrales et seculares, by some more compendious means.”  Whereas now for every toy and trifle they go to law, [348]_Mugit litibus insanum forum, et saevit invicem discordantium rabies_, they are ready to pull out one another’s throats; and for commodity [349]"to squeeze blood,” saith Hierom, “out of their brother’s heart,” defame, lie, disgrace, backbite, rail, bear false witness, swear, forswear, fight and wrangle, spend their goods, lives, fortunes, friends, undo one another, to enrich an harpy advocate, that preys upon them both, and cries Eia Socrates, Eia Xantippe; or some corrupt judge, that like the [350]kite in Aesop, while the mouse and frog fought, carried both away.  Generally they prey one upon another as so many ravenous birds, brute beasts, devouring fishes, no medium, [351]_omnes hic aut captantur aut captant; aut cadavera quae lacerantur, aut corvi qui lacerant_, either deceive or be deceived; tear others or be torn in pieces themselves; like so many buckets

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To see a man turn himself into all shapes like a chameleon, or as Proteus, omnia transformans sese in miracula rerum, to act twenty parts and persons at once, for his advantage, to temporise and vary like Mercury the planet, good with good; bad with bad; having a several face, garb, and character for every one he meets; of all religions, humours, inclinations; to fawn like a spaniel, mentitis et mimicis obsequis; rage like a lion, bark like a cur, fight like a dragon, sting like a serpent, as meek as a lamb, and yet again grin like a tiger, weep like a crocodile, insult over some, and yet others domineer over him, here command, there crouch, tyrannise in one place, be baffled in another, a wise man at home, a fool abroad to make others merry.

To see so much difference betwixt words and deeds, so many parasangs betwixt tongue and heart, men like stage-players act variety of parts, [365]give good precepts to others, soar aloft, whilst they themselves grovel on the ground.

To see a man protest friendship, kiss his hand, [366]_quem mallet truncatum videre_, [367]smile with an intent to do mischief, or cozen him whom he salutes, [368]magnify his friend unworthy with hyperbolical eulogiums; his enemy albeit a good man, to vilify and disgrace him, yea all his actions, with the utmost that livor and malice can invent.

To see a [369]servant able to buy out his master, him that carries the mace more worth than the magistrate, which Plato, lib. 11, de leg., absolutely forbids, Epictetus abhors.  A horse that tills the [370]land fed with chaff, an idle jade have provender in abundance; him that makes shoes go barefoot himself, him that sells meat almost pined; a toiling drudge starve, a drone flourish.

To see men buy smoke for wares, castles built with fools’ heads, men like apes follow the fashions in tires, gestures, actions:  if the king laugh, all laugh;

[371] “Rides? majore chachiano
        Concutitur, flet si lachrymas conspexit amici.”

[372]Alexander stooped, so did his courtiers; Alphonsus turned his head, and so did his parasites. [373]Sabina Poppea, Nero’s wife, wore amber-coloured hair, so did all the Roman ladies in an instant, her fashion was theirs.

To see men wholly led by affection, admired and censured out of opinion without judgment:  an inconsiderate multitude, like so many dogs in a village, if one bark all bark without a cause:  as fortune’s fan turns, if a man be in favour, or commanded by some great one, all the world applauds him; [374]if in disgrace, in an instant all hate him, and as at the sun when he is eclipsed, that erst took no notice, now gaze and stare upon him.

To see a man [375]wear his brains in his belly, his guts in his head, an hundred oaks on his back, to devour a hundred oxen at a meal, nay more, to devour houses and towns, or as those Anthropophagi, [376]to eat one another.

To see a man roll himself up like a snowball, from base beggary to right worshipful and right honourable titles, unjustly to screw himself into honours and offices; another to starve his genius, damn his soul to gather wealth, which he shall not enjoy, which his prodigal son melts and consumes in an instant. [377]

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To see the [Greek:  kakozaelian] of our times, a man bend all his forces, means, time, fortunes, to be a favorite’s favorite’s favorite, &c., a parasite’s parasite’s parasite, that may scorn the servile world as having enough already.

To see an hirsute beggar’s brat, that lately fed on scraps, crept and whined, crying to all, and for an old jerkin ran of errands, now ruffle in silk and satin, bravely mounted, jovial and polite, now scorn his old friends and familiars, neglect his kindred, insult over his betters, domineer over all.

To see a scholar crouch and creep to an illiterate peasant for a meal’s meat; a scrivener better paid for an obligation; a falconer receive greater wages than a student; a lawyer get more in a day than a philosopher in a year, better reward for an hour, than a scholar for a twelvemonth’s study; him that can [378]paint Thais, play on a fiddle, curl hair, &c., sooner get preferment than a philologer or a poet.

To see a fond mother, like Aesop’s ape, hug her child to death, a [379] wittol wink at his wife’s honesty, and too perspicuous in all other affairs; one stumble at a straw, and leap over a block; rob Peter, and pay Paul; scrape unjust sums with one hand, purchase great manors by corruption, fraud and cozenage, and liberally to distribute to the poor with the other, give a remnant to pious uses, &c.  Penny wise, pound foolish; blind men judge of colours; wise men silent, fools talk; [380] find fault with others, and do worse themselves; [381]denounce that in public which he doth in secret; and which Aurelius Victor gives out of Augustus, severely censure that in a third, of which he is most guilty himself.

To see a poor fellow, or an hired servant venture his life for his new master that will scarce give him his wages at year’s end; A country colon toil and moil, till and drudge for a prodigal idle drone, that devours all the gain, or lasciviously consumes with fantastical expenses; A noble man in a bravado to encounter death, and for a small flash of honour to cast away himself; A worldling tremble at an executor, and yet not fear hell-fire; To wish and hope for immortality, desire to be happy, and yet by all means avoid death, a necessary passage to bring him to it.

To see a foolhardy fellow like those old Danes, qui decollari malunt quam verberari, die rather than be punished, in a sottish humour embrace death with alacrity, yet [382]scorn to lament his own sins and miseries, or his clearest friends’ departures.

To see wise men degraded, fools preferred, one govern towns and cities, and yet a silly woman overrules him at home; [383]Command a province, and yet his own servants or children prescribe laws to him, as Themistocles’ son did in Greece; [384]"What I will” (said he) “my mother will, and what my mother will, my father doth.”  To see horses ride in a coach, men draw it; dogs devour their masters; towers build masons; children rule; old men go to school; women wear the breeches; [385]sheep demolish towns, devour men, &c.  And in a word, the world turned upside downward. O viveret Democritus.

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[386]To insist in every particular were one of Hercules’ labours, there’s so many ridiculous instances, as motes in the sun. Quantum est in rebus inane? (How much vanity there is in things!) And who can speak of all? Crimine ab uno disce omnes, take this for a taste.

But these are obvious to sense, trivial and well known, easy to be discerned.  How would Democritus have been moved, had he seen [387]the secrets of their hearts?  If every man had a window in his breast, which Momus would have had in Vulcan’s man, or that which Tully so much wished it were written in every man’s forehead, Quid quisque de republica sentiret, what he thought; or that it could be effected in an instant, which Mercury did by Charon in Lucian, by touching of his eyes, to make him discern semel et simul rumores et susurros.

       “Spes hominum caecas, morbos, votumque labores,
        Et passim toto volitantes aethere curas.”

       “Blind hopes and wishes, their thoughts and affairs,
        Whispers and rumours, and those flying cares.”

That he could cubiculorum obductas foras recludere et secreta cordium penetrare, which [388]Cyprian desired, open doors and locks, shoot bolts, as Lucian’s Gallus did with a feather of his tail:  or Gyges’ invisible ring, or some rare perspective glass, or Otacousticon, which would so multiply species, that a man might hear and see all at once (as [389] Martianus Capella’s Jupiter did in a spear which he held in his hand, which did present unto him all that was daily done upon the face of the earth), observe cuckolds’ horns, forgeries of alchemists, the philosopher’s stone, new projectors, &c., and all those works of darkness, foolish vows, hopes, fears and wishes, what a deal of laughter would it have afforded?  He should have seen windmills in one man’s head, an hornet’s nest in another.  Or had he been present with Icaromenippus in Lucian at Jupiter’s whispering place, [390]and heard one pray for rain, another for fair weather; one for his wife’s, another for his father’s death, &c.; “to ask that at God’s hand which they are abashed any man should hear:”  How would he have been confounded?  Would he, think you, or any man else, say that these men were well in their wits? Haec sani esse hominis quis sanus juret Orestes?  Can all the hellebore in the Anticyrae cure these men?  No, sure, [391]"an acre of hellebore will not do it.”

That which is more to be lamented, they are mad like Seneca’s blind woman, and will not acknowledge, or [392]seek for any cure of it, for pauci vident morbum suum, omnes amant.  If our leg or arm offend us, we covet by all means possible to redress it; [393]and if we labour of a bodily disease, we send for a physician; but for the diseases of the mind we take no notice of them:  [394]Lust harrows us on the one side; envy, anger, ambition on the other.  We are torn in pieces by our passions, as so many

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       “Nimirum insanus paucis videatur; eo quod
        Maxima pars hominum morbo jactatur eodem.”

       “When all are mad, where all are like opprest
        Who can discern one mad man from the rest?”

But put case they do perceive it, and some one be manifestly convicted of madness, [411]he now takes notice of his folly, be it in action, gesture, speech, a vain humour he hath in building, bragging, jangling, spending, gaming, courting, scribbling, prating, for which he is ridiculous to others, [412]on which he dotes, he doth acknowledge as much:  yet with all the rhetoric thou hast, thou canst not so recall him, but to the contrary notwithstanding, he will persevere in his dotage.  ’Tis amabilis insania, et mentis gratissimus error, so pleasing, so delicious, that he [413] cannot leave it.  He knows his error, but will not seek to decline it, tell him what the event will be, beggary, sorrow, sickness, disgrace, shame, loss, madness, yet [414]"an angry man will prefer vengeance, a lascivious his whore, a thief his booty, a glutton his belly, before his welfare.”  Tell an epicure, a covetous man, an ambitious man of his irregular course, wean him from it a little, pol me occidistis amici, he cries anon, you have undone him, and as [415]a “dog to his vomit,” he returns to it again; no persuasion will take place, no counsel, say what thou canst,

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“Clames licet et mare coelo
------Confundas, surdo narras,"[416]

demonstrate as Ulysses did to [417]Elpenor and Gryllus, and the rest of his companions “those swinish men,” he is irrefragable in his humour, he will be a hog still; bray him in a mortar, he will be the same.  If he be in an heresy, or some perverse opinion, settled as some of our ignorant Papists are, convince his understanding, show him the several follies and absurd fopperies of that sect, force him to say, veris vincor, make it as clear as the sun, [418]he will err still, peevish and obstinate as he is; and as he said [419]_si in hoc erro, libenter erro, nec hunc errorem auferri mihi volo_; I will do as I have done, as my predecessors have done, [420]and as my friends now do:  I will dote for company.  Say now, are these men [421]mad or no, [422]_Heus age responde_? are they ridiculous? cedo quemvis arbitrum, are they sanae mentis, sober, wise, and discreet? have they common sense? ------[423]_uter est insanior horum_?  I am of Democritus’ opinion for my part, I hold them worthy to be laughed at; a company of brain-sick dizzards, as mad as [424]Orestes and Athamas, that they may go “ride the ass,” and all sail along to the Anticyrae, in the “ship of fools” for company together.  I need not much labour to prove this which I say otherwise than thus, make any solemn protestation, or swear, I think you will believe me without an oath; say at a word, are they fools?  I refer it to you, though you be likewise fools and madmen yourselves, and I as mad to ask the question; for what said our comical Mercury?

[425] “Justum ab injustis petere insipientia est.”

       “I’ll stand to your censure yet, what think you?”

But forasmuch as I undertook at first, that kingdoms, provinces, families, were melancholy as well as private men, I will examine them in particular, and that which I have hitherto dilated at random, in more general terms, I will particularly insist in, prove with more special and evident arguments, testimonies, illustrations, and that in brief. [426]_Nunc accipe quare desipiant omnes aeque ac tu._ My first argument is borrowed from Solomon, an arrow drawn out of his sententious quiver, Pro. iii. 7, “Be not wise in thine own eyes.”  And xxvi. 12, “Seest thou a man wise in his own conceit? more hope is of a fool than of him.”  Isaiah pronounceth a woe against such men, cap. v. 21, “that are wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own sight.”  For hence we may gather, that it is a great offence, and men are much deceived that think too well of themselves, an especial argument to convince them of folly.  Many men (saith [427]Seneca) “had been without question wise, had they not had an opinion that they had attained to perfection of knowledge already, even before they had gone half way,” too forward, too ripe, praeproperi, too quick and ready, [428]_cito prudentes, cito pii, cito mariti, cito patres, cito sacerdotes, cito omnis

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My second argument is grounded upon the like place of Scripture, which though before mentioned in effect, yet for some reasons is to be repeated (and by Plato’s good leave, I may do it, [431][Greek:  dis to kalon raethen ouden blaptei]) “Fools” (saith David) “by reason of their transgressions.” &c.  Psal. cvii. 17.  Hence Musculus infers all transgressors must needs be fools.  So we read Rom. ii., “Tribulation and anguish on the soul of every man that doeth evil;” but all do evil.  And Isaiah, lxv. 14, “My servant shall sing for joy, and [432]ye shall cry for sorrow of heart, and vexation of mind.”  ’Tis ratified by the common consent of all philosophers.  “Dishonesty” (saith Cardan) “is nothing else but folly and madness.” [433] Probus quis nobiscum vivit?  Show me an honest man, Nemo malus qui non stultus, ‘tis Fabius’ aphorism to the same end.  If none honest, none wise, then all fools.  And well may they be so accounted:  for who will account him otherwise, Qui iter adornat in occidentem, quum properaret in orientem? that goes backward all his life, westward, when he is bound to the east? or hold him a wise man (saith [434]Musculus) “that prefers momentary pleasures to eternity, that spends his master’s goods in his absence, forthwith to be condemned for it?” Nequicquam sapit qui sibi non sapit, who will say that a sick man is wise, that eats and drinks to overthrow the temperature of his body?  Can you account him wise or discreet that would willingly have his health, and yet will do nothing that should procure or continue it? [435]Theodoret, out of Plotinus the Platonist, “holds it a ridiculous thing for a man to live after his own laws, to do that which is offensive to God, and yet to hope that he should save him:  and when he voluntarily neglects his own safety, and contemns the means, to think to be delivered by another:”  who will say these men are wise?

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A third argument may be derived from the precedent, [436]all men are carried away with passion, discontent, lust, pleasures, &c., they generally hate those virtues they should love, and love such vices they should hate.  Therefore more than melancholy, quite mad, brute beasts, and void of reason, so Chrysostom contends; “or rather dead and buried alive,” as [437] Philo Judeus concludes it for a certainty, “of all such that are carried away with passions, or labour of any disease of the mind.  Where is fear and sorrow,” there [438]Lactantius stiffly maintains, “wisdom cannot dwell,”

------“qui cupiet, metuet quoque porro,
Qui metuens vivit, liber mihi non erit unquam."[439]

Seneca and the rest of the stoics are of opinion, that where is any the least perturbation, wisdom may not be found.  “What more ridiculous,” as [440]Lactantius urges, than to hear how Xerxes whipped the Hellespont, threatened the Mountain Athos, and the like.  To speak ad rem, who is free from passion? [441]_Mortalis nemo est quem non attingat dolor, morbusve_, as [442]Tully determines out of an old poem, no mortal men can avoid sorrow and sickness, and sorrow is an inseparable companion from melancholy. [443]Chrysostom pleads farther yet, that they are more than mad, very beasts, stupefied and void of common sense:  “For how” (saith he) “shall I know thee to be a man, when thou kickest like an ass, neighest like a horse after women, ravest in lust like a bull, ravenest like a bear, stingest like a scorpion, rakest like a wolf, as subtle as a fox, as impudent as a dog?  Shall I say thou art a man, that hast all the symptoms of a beast?  How shall I know thee to be a man? by thy shape?  That affrights me more, when I see a beast in likeness of a man.”

[444]Seneca calls that of Epicurus, magnificam vocem, an heroical speech, “A fool still begins to live,” and accounts it a filthy lightness in men, every day to lay new foundations of their life, but who doth otherwise?  One travels, another builds; one for this, another for that business, and old folks are as far out as the rest; O dementem senectutem, Tully exclaims.  Therefore young, old, middle age, are all stupid, and dote.

[445]Aeneas Sylvius, amongst many other, sets down three special ways to find a fool by.  He is a fool that seeks that he cannot find:  he is a fool that seeks that, which being found will do him more harm than good:  he is a fool, that having variety of ways to bring him to his journey’s end, takes that which is worst.  If so, methinks most men are fools; examine their courses, and you shall soon perceive what dizzards and mad men the major part are.

Beroaldus will have drunkards, afternoon men, and such as more than ordinarily delight in drink, to be mad.  The first pot quencheth thirst, so Panyasis the poet determines in Athenaeus, secunda gratiis, horis et Dyonisio:  the second makes merry, the third for pleasure, quarta, ad insaniam, the fourth makes them mad.  If this position be true, what a catalogue of mad men shall we have? what shall they be that drink four times four? Nonne supra omnem furorem, supra omnem insanian reddunt insanissimos?  I am of his opinion, they are more than mad, much worse than mad.

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The [446]Abderites condemned Democritus for a mad man, because he was sometimes sad, and sometimes again profusely merry. Hac Patria (saith Hippocrates) ob risum furere et insanire dicunt, his countrymen hold him mad because he laughs; [447]and therefore “he desires him to advise all his friends at Rhodes, that they do not laugh too much, or be over sad.”  Had those Abderites been conversant with us, and but seen what [448] fleering and grinning there is in this age, they would certainly have concluded, we had been all out of our wits.

Aristotle in his Ethics holds felix idemque sapiens, to be wise and happy, are reciprocal terms, bonus idemque sapiens honestus.  ’Tis [449] Tully’s paradox, “wise men are free, but fools are slaves,” liberty is a power to live according to his own laws, as we will ourselves:  who hath this liberty? who is free?

[450]   ------“sapiens sibique imperiosus,
Quem neque pauperis, neque mors, neque vincula terrent,
Responsare cupidinibus, contemnere honores
Fortis, et in seipso totus teres atque rotundus.”

       “He is wise that can command his own will,
        Valiant and constant to himself still,
        Whom poverty nor death, nor bands can fright,
        Checks his desires, scorns honours, just and right.”

But where shall such a man be found?  If no where, then e diametro, we are all slaves, senseless, or worse. Nemo malus felix.  But no man is happy in this life, none good, therefore no man wise. [451]_Rari quippe boni_------ For one virtue you shall find ten vices in the same party; pauci Promethei, multi Epimethei.  We may peradventure usurp the name, or attribute it to others for favour, as Carolus Sapiens, Philippus Bonus, Lodovicus Pius, &c., and describe the properties of a wise man, as Tully doth an orator, Xenophon Cyrus, Castilio a courtier, Galen temperament, an aristocracy is described by politicians.  But where shall such a man be found?

       “Vir bonus et sapiens, qualem vix repperit unum
        Millibus e multis hominum consultus Apollo.”

       “A wise, a good man in a million,
        Apollo consulted could scarce find one.”

A man is a miracle of himself, but Trismegistus adds, Maximum miraculum homo sapiens, a wise man is a wonder:  multi Thirsigeri, pauci Bacchi.

Alexander when he was presented with that rich and costly casket of king Darius, and every man advised him what to put in it, he reserved it to keep Homer’s works, as the most precious jewel of human wit, and yet [452] Scaliger upbraids Homer’s muse, Nutricem insanae sapientiae, a nursery of madness, [453]impudent as a court lady, that blushes at nothing.  Jacobus Mycillus, Gilbertus Cognatus, Erasmus, and almost all posterity admire Lucian’s luxuriant wit, yet Scaliger rejects him in his censure, and calls him the Cerberus of the muses.  Socrates, whom all

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Proceed now a partibus ad totum, or from the whole to parts, and you shall find no other issue, the parts shall be sufficiently dilated in this following Preface.  The whole must needs follow by a sorites or induction.  Every multitude is mad, [466]_bellua multorum capitum_, (a many-headed beast), precipitate and rash without judgment, stultum animal, a roaring rout. [467]Roger Bacon proves it out of Aristotle, Vulgus dividi in oppositum contra sapientes, quod vulgo videtur verum, falsum est; that which the commonalty accounts true, is most part false, they are still opposite to wise men, but all the world is of this humour (vulgus), and thou thyself art de vulgo, one of the commonalty; and he, and he, and so are all the rest; and therefore, as Phocion concludes, to be approved in nought you say or do, mere idiots and asses.  Begin then where you will, go backward or forward, choose out of the whole pack, wink and choose, you shall find them all alike, “never a barrel better herring.”

Copernicus, Atlas his successor, is of opinion, the earth is a planet, moves and shines to others, as the moon doth to us.  Digges, Gilbert, Keplerus, Origanus, and others, defend this hypothesis of his in sober sadness, and that the moon is inhabited:  if it be so that the earth is a moon, then are we also giddy, vertiginous and lunatic within this sublunary maze.

I could produce such arguments till dark night:  if you should hear the rest,

       “Ante diem clauso component vesper Olimpo:” 

       “Through such a train of words if I should run,
        The day would sooner than the tale be done:” 

but according to my promise, I will descend to particulars.  This melancholy extends itself not to men only, but even to vegetals and sensibles.  I speak not of those creatures which are saturnine, melancholy by nature, as lead, and such like minerals, or those plants, rue, cypress, &c. and hellebore itself, of which [468]Agrippa treats, fishes, birds, and beasts, hares, conies, dormice, &c., owls, bats, nightbirds, but that artificial, which is perceived in them all.  Remove a plant, it will pine away, which is especially perceived in date trees, as you may read at large in Constantine’s husbandry, that antipathy betwixt the vine and the cabbage, vine and oil.  Put a bird in a cage, he will die for sullenness, or a beast in a pen, or take his young ones or companions from him, and see what effect it will cause.  But who perceives not these common passions of sensible creatures, fear, sorrow, &c.  Of all other, dogs are most subject to this malady, insomuch some hold they dream as men do, and through violence of melancholy run mad; I could relate many stories of dogs that have died for grief, and pined away for loss of their masters, but they are common in every [469]author.

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Kingdoms, provinces, and politic bodies are likewise sensible and subject to this disease, as [470]Boterus in his politics hath proved at large.  “As in human bodies” (saith he) “there be divers alterations proceeding from humours, so be there many diseases in a commonwealth, which do as diversely happen from several distempers,” as you may easily perceive by their particular symptoms.  For where you shall see the people civil, obedient to God and princes, judicious, peaceable and quiet, rich, fortunate, [471]and flourish, to live in peace, in unity and concord, a country well tilled, many fair built and populous cities, ubi incolae nitent as old [472]Cato said, the people are neat, polite and terse, ubi bene, beateque vivunt, which our politicians make the chief end of a commonwealth; and which [473] Aristotle, Polit. lib. 3, cap. 4, calls Commune bonum, Polybius lib. 6, optabilem et selectum statum, that country is free from melancholy; as it was in Italy in the time of Augustus, now in China, now in many other flourishing kingdoms of Europe.  But whereas you shall see many discontents, common grievances, complaints, poverty, barbarism, beggary, plagues, wars, rebellions, seditions, mutinies, contentions, idleness, riot, epicurism, the land lie untilled, waste, full of bogs, fens, deserts, &c., cities decayed, base and poor towns, villages depopulated, the people squalid, ugly, uncivil; that kingdom, that country, must needs be discontent, melancholy, hath a sick body, and had need to be reformed.

Now that cannot well be effected, till the causes of these maladies be first removed, which commonly proceed from their own default, or some accidental inconvenience:  as to be situated in a bad clime, too far north, sterile, in a barren place, as the desert of Libya, deserts of Arabia, places void of waters, as those of Lop and Belgian in Asia, or in a bad air, as at Alexandretta, Bantam, Pisa, Durrazzo, S. John de Ulloa, &c., or in danger of the sea’s continual inundations, as in many places of the Low Countries and elsewhere, or near some bad neighbours, as Hungarians to Turks, Podolians to Tartars, or almost any bordering countries, they live in fear still, and by reason of hostile incursions are oftentimes left desolate.  So are cities by reason [474]of wars, fires, plagues, inundations, [475]wild beasts, decay of trades, barred havens, the sea’s violence, as Antwerp may witness of late, Syracuse of old, Brundusium in Italy, Rye and Dover with us, and many that at this day suspect the sea’s fury and rage, and labour against it as the Venetians to their inestimable charge.  But the most frequent maladies are such as proceed from themselves, as first when religion and God’s service is neglected, innovated or altered, where they do not fear God, obey their prince, where atheism, epicurism, sacrilege, simony, &c., and all such impieties are freely committed, that country cannot prosper.  When Abraham came to Gerar,

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Other common grievances are generally noxious to a body politic; alteration of laws and customs, breaking privileges, general oppressions, seditions, &c., observed by [477]Aristotle, Bodin, Boterus, Junius, Arniscus, &c.  I will only point at some of chiefest. [478]_Impotentia gubernandi, ataxia_, confusion, ill government, which proceeds from unskilful, slothful, griping, covetous, unjust, rash, or tyrannizing magistrates, when they are fools, idiots, children, proud, wilful, partial, indiscreet, oppressors, giddy heads, tyrants, not able or unfit to manage such offices:  [479]many noble cities and flourishing kingdoms by that means are desolate, the whole body groans under such heads, and all the members must needs be disaffected, as at this day those goodly provinces in Asia Minor, &c. groan under the burthen of a Turkish government; and those vast kingdoms of Muscovia, Russia, [480]under a tyrannizing duke.  Who ever heard of more civil and rich populous countries than those of “Greece, Asia Minor, abounding with all [481]wealth, multitudes of inhabitants, force, power, splendour and magnificence?” and that miracle of countries, [482]the Holy Land, that in so small a compass of ground could maintain so many towns, cities, produce so many fighting men?  Egypt another paradise, now barbarous and desert, and almost waste, by the despotical government of an imperious Turk, intolerabili servitutis jugo premitur ([483]one saith) not only fire and water, goods or lands, sed ipse spiritus ab insolentissimi victoris pendet nutu, such is their slavery, their lives and souls depend upon his insolent will and command.  A tyrant that spoils all wheresoever he comes, insomuch that an [484]historian complains, “if an old inhabitant should now see them, he would not know them, if a traveller, or stranger, it would grieve his heart to behold them.”  Whereas [485]Aristotle notes, Novae exactiones, nova onera imposita, new burdens and exactions daily come upon them, like those of which Zosimus, lib. 2, so grievous, ut viri uxores, patres filios prostituerent ut exactoribus e questu, &c., they must needs be discontent, hinc civitatum gemitus et ploratus, as [486] Tully holds, hence come those complaints and tears of cities, “poor, miserable, rebellious,

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Whereas the princes and potentates are immoderate in lust, hypocrites, epicures, of no religion, but in show:  Quid hypocrisi fragilius? what so brittle and unsure? what sooner subverts their estates than wandering and raging lusts, on their subjects’ wives, daughters? to say no worse.  That they should facem praeferre, lead the way to all virtuous actions, are the ringleaders oftentimes of all mischief and dissolute courses, and by that means their countries are plagued, [489]"and they themselves often ruined, banished, or murdered by conspiracy of their subjects, as Sardanapalus was, Dionysius Junior, Heliogabalus, Periander, Pisistratus, Tarquinius, Timocrates, Childericus, Appius Claudius, Andronicus, Galeacius Sforza, Alexander Medices,” &c.

Whereas the princes or great men are malicious, envious, factious, ambitious, emulators, they tear a commonwealth asunder, as so many Guelfs and Gibelines disturb the quietness of it, [490]and with mutual murders let it bleed to death; our histories are too full of such barbarous inhumanities, and the miseries that issue from them.

Whereas they be like so many horseleeches, hungry, griping, corrupt, [491] covetous, avaritice mancipia, ravenous as wolves, for as Tully writes:  qui praeest prodest, et qui pecudibus praeest, debet eorum utilitati inservire:  or such as prefer their private before the public good.  For as [492]he said long since, res privatae publicis semper officere.  Or whereas they be illiterate, ignorant, empirics in policy, ubi deest facultas, [493]_virtus_ (Aristot. pol. 5, cap. 8.) et scientia, wise only by inheritance, and in authority by birthright, favour, or for their wealth and titles; there must needs be a fault, [494]a great defect:  because as an [495]old philosopher affirms, such men are not always fit.  “Of an infinite number, few alone are senators, and of those few, fewer good, and of that small number of honest, good, and noble men, few that are learned, wise, discreet and sufficient, able to discharge such places, it must needs turn to the confusion of a state.”

For as the [496]Princes are, so are the people; Qualis Rex, talis grex:  and which [497]Antigonus right well said of old, qui Macedonia regem erudit, omnes etiam subditos erudit, he that teacheth the king of Macedon, teacheth all his subjects, is a true saying still.

       “For Princes are the glass, the school, the book,
        Where subjects’ eyes do learn, do read, do look.”

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------“Velocius et citius nos
Corrumpunt vitiorum exempla domestica, magnis
Cum subeant animos auctoribus.”------[498]

Their examples are soonest followed, vices entertained, if they be profane, irreligious, lascivious, riotous, epicures, factious, covetous, ambitious, illiterate, so will the commons most part be, idle, unthrifts, prone to lust, drunkards, and therefore poor and needy ([Greek:  hae penia stasin empoiei kai kakourgian], for poverty begets sedition and villainy) upon all occasions ready to mutiny and rebel, discontent still, complaining, murmuring, grudging, apt to all outrages, thefts, treasons, murders, innovations, in debt, shifters, cozeners, outlaws, Profligatae famae ac vitae.  It was an old [499]politician’s aphorism, “They that are poor and bad envy rich, hate good men, abhor the present government, wish for a new, and would have all turned topsy-turvy.”  When Catiline rebelled in Rome, he got a company of such debauched rogues together, they were his familiars and coadjutors, and such have been your rebels most part in all ages, Jack Cade, Tom Straw, Kette, and his companions.

Where they be generally riotous and contentious, where there be many discords, many laws, many lawsuits, many lawyers and many physicians, it is a manifest sign of a distempered, melancholy state, as [500]Plato long since maintained:  for where such kind of men swarm, they will make more work for themselves, and that body politic diseased, which was otherwise sound.  A general mischief in these our times, an insensible plague, and never so many of them:  “which are now multiplied” (saith Mat.  Geraldus, [501]a lawyer himself,) “as so many locusts, not the parents, but the plagues of the country, and for the most part a supercilious, bad, covetous, litigious generation of men.” [502]_Crumenimulga natio_ &c.  A purse-milking nation, a clamorous company, gowned vultures, [503]_qui ex injuria vivent et sanguine civium_, thieves and seminaries of discord; worse than any pollers by the highway side, auri accipitres, auri exterebronides, pecuniarum hamiolae, quadruplatores, curiae harpagones, fori tintinabula, monstra hominum, mangones, &c. that take upon them to make peace, but are indeed the very disturbers of our peace, a company of irreligious harpies, scraping, griping catchpoles, (I mean our common hungry pettifoggers, [504]_rabulas forenses_, love and honour in the meantime all good laws, and worthy lawyers, that are so many [505]oracles and pilots of a well-governed commonwealth).  Without art, without judgment, that do more harm, as [506]Livy said, quam bella externa, fames, morbive, than sickness, wars, hunger, diseases; “and cause a most incredible destruction of a commonwealth,” saith [507]Sesellius, a famous civilian sometimes in Paris, as ivy doth by an oak, embrace it so long, until it hath got the heart out of it, so do they by such places they inhabit; no counsel at all, no justice, no speech to be had, nisi eum premulseris,

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I could repeat many such particular grievances, which must disturb a body politic.  To shut up all in brief, where good government is, prudent and wise princes, there all things thrive and prosper, peace and happiness is in that land:  where it is otherwise, all things are ugly to behold, incult, barbarous, uncivil, a paradise is turned to a wilderness.  This island amongst the rest, our next neighbours the French and Germans, may be a sufficient witness, that in a short time by that prudent policy of the Romans, was brought from barbarism; see but what Caesar reports of us, and Tacitus of those old Germans, they were once as uncivil as they in Virginia, yet by planting of colonies and good laws, they became from barbarous outlaws, [529]to be full of rich and populous cities, as now they are, and most flourishing kingdoms.  Even so might Virginia, and those wild Irish have been civilised long since, if that order had been heretofore taken, which now begins, of planting colonies, &c.  I have read a [530]discourse, printed anno 1612.  “Discovering the true causes why Ireland was never entirely subdued, or brought under obedience to the crown of England, until the beginning of his Majesty’s happy reign.”  Yet if his reasons were thoroughly scanned by a judicious politician, I am afraid he would not altogether be approved, but that it would turn to the dishonour of our nation, to suffer it to lie so long waste.  Yea, and if some travellers should see (to come nearer home) those rich, united provinces of Holland, Zealand, &c., over against us; those neat cities and populous towns, full of most industrious artificers, [531]so much land recovered from the sea, and so painfully preserved by those artificial inventions, so wonderfully approved, as that of Bemster in Holland, ut nihil huic par aut simile invenias in toto orbe, saith Bertius the geographer, all the world cannot match it, [532]so many navigable channels from place to place, made by men’s hands, &c. and on the other side so many thousand acres of our fens lie drowned, our cities thin, and those vile, poor, and ugly to behold in respect of theirs, our trades decayed, our still running rivers stopped, and that beneficial use of transportation, wholly neglected, so many havens void of ships and towns, so many parks and forests for pleasure, barren heaths, so many villages depopulated, &c.  I think sure he would find some fault.

I may not deny but that this nation of ours, doth bene audire apud exteros, is a most noble, a most flourishing kingdom, by common consent of all [533]geographers, historians, politicians, ’tis unica velut arx, [534]and which Quintius in Livy said of the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, may be well applied to us, we are testudines testa sua inclusi, like so many tortoises in our shells, safely defended by an angry sea, as a wall on all sides.  Our island hath many such honourable eulogiums; and as a learned countryman of ours right well hath

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The first is idleness, by reason of which we have many swarms of rogues, and beggars, thieves, drunkards, and discontented persons (whom Lycurgus in Plutarch calls morbos reipublicae, the boils of the commonwealth), many poor people in all our towns. Civitates ignobiles, as [540]Polydore calls them, base-built cities, inglorious, poor, small, rare in sight, ruinous, and thin of inhabitants.  Our land is fertile we may not deny, full of all good things, and why doth it not then abound with cities, as well as Italy, France, Germany, the Low Countries? because their policy hath been otherwise, and we are not so thrifty, circumspect, industrious.  Idleness is the malus genius of our nation.  For as [541]Boterus justly argues, fertility of a country is not enough, except art and industry be joined unto it, according to Aristotle, riches are either natural or artificial; natural are good land, fair mines, &c. artificial, are manufactures, coins, &c.  Many kingdoms are fertile, but thin of inhabitants, as that Duchy of Piedmont in Italy, which Leander Albertus so much magnifies for corn, wine, fruits, &c., yet nothing near so populous as those which are more barren. [542]"England,” saith he, “London only excepted, hath never a populous city, and yet a fruitful country.”  I find 46 cities and walled towns in Alsatia, a small province in Germany, 50 castles, an infinite number of villages, no ground idle, no not rocky places, or tops of hills are untilled,

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Tell me politicians, why is that fruitful Palestina, noble Greece, Egypt, Asia Minor, so much decayed, and (mere carcases now) fallen from that they were?  The ground is the same, but the government is altered, the people are grown slothful, idle, their good husbandry, policy, and industry is decayed. Non fatigata aut effaeta, humus, as [550]Columella well informs Sylvinus, sed nostra fit inertia, &c.  May a man believe that which Aristotle in his politics,

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That prince therefore as, [555]Boterus adviseth, that will have a rich country, and fair cities, let him get good trades, privileges, painful inhabitants, artificers, and suffer no rude matter unwrought, as tin, iron, wool, lead, &c., to be transported out of his country,—­[556]a thing in part seriously attempted amongst us, but not effected.  And because industry of men, and multitude of trade so much avails to the ornament and enriching of a kingdom; those ancient [557]Massilians would admit no man into their city that had not some trade.  Selym the first Turkish emperor procured a thousand good artificers

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------“Pudet haec opprobria nobis
Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli.”

I am ashamed to hear this objected by strangers, and know not how to answer it.

Amongst our towns, there is only [565]London that bears the face of a city, [566]_Epitome Britanniae_, a famous emporium, second to none beyond seas, a noble mart:  but sola crescit, decrescentibus aliis; and yet, in my slender judgment, defective in many things.  The rest ([567]some few excepted) are in mean estate, ruinous most part, poor, and full of beggars, by reason of their decayed trades, neglected or bad policy, idleness of their inhabitants, riot, which had rather beg or loiter, and be ready to starve, than work.

I cannot deny but that something may be said in defence of our cities, [568]that they are not so fair built, (for the sole magnificence of this kingdom (concerning buildings) hath been of old in those Norman castles and religious houses,) so rich, thick sited, populous, as in some other countries; besides the reasons Cardan gives, Subtil.  Lib. 11. we want wine and oil, their two harvests, we dwell in a colder air, and for that cause must a little more liberally [569]feed of flesh, as all northern countries do:  our provisions will not therefore extend to the maintenance of so many; yet notwithstanding we have matter of all sorts, an open sea for traffic, as well as the rest, goodly havens.  And how can we excuse our negligence, our riot, drunkenness, &c., and such enormities that follow it?  We have excellent laws enacted, you will say, severe statutes, houses of correction, &c., to small purpose it seems; it is not houses will serve, but cities of correction; [570]our trades generally ought to be reformed, wants supplied.  In other countries they have the same grievances, I confess, but that doth not excuse us, [571]wants, defects, enormities, idle drones, tumults, discords, contention, lawsuits, many laws made against them to repress those innumerable brawls and lawsuits, excess in apparel, diet, decay of tillage, depopulations, [572]especially against rogues, beggars, Egyptian vagabonds (so termed at least) which have [573] swarmed all over Germany, France, Italy, Poland, as you may read in [574] Munster, Cranzius, and Aventinus; as those Tartars and Arabians at this day do in the eastern countries:  yet such has been the iniquity of all ages, as it seems to small purpose. Nemo in nostra civitate mendicus esto, [575] saith Plato:  he will have them purged from a [576]commonwealth, [577]"as a bad humour from the body,” that are like so many ulcers and boils, and must be cured before the melancholy body can be eased.

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What Carolus Magnus, the Chinese, the Spaniards, the duke of Saxony and many other states have decreed in this case, read Arniseus, cap. 19; Boterus, libro 8, cap. 2; Osorius de Rubus gest.  Eman. lib. 11. When a country is overstocked with people, as a pasture is oft overlaid with cattle, they had wont in former times to disburden themselves, by sending out colonies, or by wars, as those old Romans; or by employing them at home about some public buildings, as bridges, roadways, for which those Romans were famous in this island; as Augustus Caesar did in Rome, the Spaniards in their Indian mines, as at Potosi in Peru, where some 30,000 men are still at work, 6000 furnaces ever boiling, &c. [578]aqueducts, bridges, havens, those stupend works of Trajan, Claudius, at [579]Ostium, Dioclesiani Therma, Fucinus Lacus, that Piraeum in Athens, made by Themistocles, ampitheatrums of curious marble, as at Verona, Civitas Philippi, and Heraclea in Thrace, those Appian and Flaminian ways, prodigious works all may witness; and rather than they should be [580]idle, as those [581] Egyptian Pharaohs, Maris, and Sesostris did, to task their subjects to build unnecessary pyramids, obelisks, labyrinths, channels, lakes, gigantic works all, to divert them from rebellion, riot, drunkenness, [582]_Quo scilicet alantur et ne vagando laborare desuescant_.

Another eyesore is that want of conduct and navigable rivers, a great blemish as [583]Boterus, [584]Hippolitus a Collibus, and other politicians hold, if it be neglected in a commonwealth.  Admirable cost and charge is bestowed in the Low Countries on this behalf, in the duchy of Milan, territory of Padua, in [585]France, Italy, China, and so likewise about corrivations of water to moisten and refresh barren grounds, to drain fens, bogs, and moors.  Massinissa made many inward parts of Barbary and Numidia in Africa, before his time incult and horrid, fruitful and bartable by this means.  Great industry is generally used all over the eastern countries in this kind, especially in Egypt, about Babylon and Damascus, as Vertomannus and [586]Gotardus Arthus relate; about Barcelona, Segovia, Murcia, and many other places of Spain, Milan in Italy; by reason of which, their soil is much impoverished, and infinite commodities arise to the inhabitants.

The Turks of late attempted to cut that Isthmus betwixt Africa and Asia, which [587]Sesostris and Darius, and some Pharaohs of Egypt had formerly undertaken, but with ill success, as [588]Diodorus Siculus records, and Pliny, for that Red Sea being three [589]cubits higher than Egypt, would have drowned all the country, caepto destiterant, they left off; yet as the same [590]Diodorus writes, Ptolemy renewed the work many years after, and absolved in it a more opportune place.

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That Isthmus of Corinth was likewise undertaken to be made navigable by Demetrius, by Julius Caesar, Nero, Domitian, Herodes Atticus, to make a speedy [591]passage, and less dangerous, from the Ionian and Aegean seas; but because it could not be so well effected, the Peloponnesians built a wall like our Picts’ wall about Schaenute, where Neptune’s temple stood, and in the shortest cut over the Isthmus, of which Diodorus, lib. 11. Herodotus, lib. 8.  Uran. Our latter writers call it Hexamilium, which Amurath the Turk demolished, the Venetians, anno 1453, repaired in 15 days with 30,000 men.  Some, saith Acosta, would have a passage cut from Panama to Nombre de Dios in America; but Thuanus and Serres the French historians speak of a famous aqueduct in France, intended in Henry the Fourth’s time, from the Loire to the Seine, and from Rhodanus to the Loire.  The like to which was formerly assayed by Domitian the emperor, [592]from Arar to Moselle, which Cornelius Tacitus speaks of in the 13 of his annals, after by Charles the Great and others.  Much cost hath in former times been bestowed in either new making or mending channels of rivers, and their passages, (as Aurelianus did by Tiber to make it navigable to Rome, to convey corn from Egypt to the city, vadum alvei tumentis effodit saith Vopiscus, et Tiberis ripas extruxit he cut fords, made banks, &c.) decayed havens, which Claudius the emperor with infinite pains and charges attempted at Ostia, as I have said, the Venetians at this day to preserve their city; many excellent means to enrich their territories, have been fostered, invented in most provinces of Europe, as planting some Indian plants amongst us, silkworms, [593]the very mulberry leaves in the plains of Granada yield 30,000 crowns per annum to the king of Spain’s coffers, besides those many trades and artificers that are busied about them in the kingdom of Granada, Murcia, and all over Spain.  In France a great benefit is raised by salt, &c., whether these things might not be as happily attempted with us, and with like success, it may be controverted, silkworms (I mean) vines, fir trees, &c.  Cardan exhorts Edward the Sixth to plant olives, and is fully persuaded they would prosper in this island.  With us, navigable rivers are most part neglected; our streams are not great, I confess, by reason of the narrowness of the island, yet they run smoothly and even, not headlong, swift, or amongst rocks and shelves, as foaming Rhodanus and Loire in France, Tigris in Mesopotamia, violent Durius in Spain, with cataracts and whirlpools, as the Rhine, and Danubius, about Shaffausen, Lausenburgh, Linz, and Cremmes, to endanger navigators; or broad shallow, as Neckar in the Palatinate, Tibris in Italy; but calm and fair as Arar in France, Hebrus in Macedonia, Eurotas in Laconia, they gently glide along, and might as well be repaired many of them (I mean Wye, Trent, Ouse, Thamisis at Oxford, the defect of which we feel in

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We have many excellent havens, royal havens, Falmouth, Portsmouth, Milford, &c. equivalent if not to be preferred to that Indian Havana, old Brundusium in Italy, Aulis in Greece, Ambracia in Acarnia, Suda in Crete, which have few ships in them, little or no traffic or trade, which have scarce a village on them, able to bear great cities, sed viderint politici.  I could here justly tax many other neglects, abuses, errors, defects among us, and in other countries, depopulations, riot, drunkenness, &c. and many such, quae nunc in aurem susurrare, non libet.  But I must take heed, ne quid gravius dicam, that I do not overshoot myself, Sus Minervam, I am forth of my element, as you peradventure suppose; and sometimes veritas odium parit, as he said, “verjuice and oatmeal is good for a parrot.”  For as Lucian said of an historian, I say of a politician.  He that will freely speak and write, must be for ever no subject, under no prince or law, but lay out the matter truly as it is, not caring what any can, will, like or dislike.

We have good laws, I deny not, to rectify such enormities, and so in all other countries, but it seems not always to good purpose.  We had need of some general visitor in our age, that should reform what is amiss; a just army of Rosy-cross men, for they will amend all matters (they say) religion, policy, manners, with arts, sciences, &c.  Another Attila, Tamerlane, Hercules, to strive with Achelous, Augeae stabulum purgare, to subdue tyrants, as [596]he did Diomedes and Busiris:  to expel thieves, as he did Cacus and Lacinius:  to vindicate poor captives, as he did Hesione:  to pass the torrid zone, the deserts of Libya, and purge the world of monsters and Centaurs:  or another Theban Crates to reform our manners, to compose quarrels and controversies, as in his time he did, and was therefore adored for a god in Athens.  “As Hercules [597]purged the world of monsters, and subdued them, so did he fight against envy, lust, anger, avarice, &c. and all those feral vices and monsters of the mind.”  It were to be wished we had some such visitor, or if wishing would serve, one had such a ring or rings, as Timolaus desired in [598]Lucian, by virtue of which he should be as strong as 10,000 men, or an army of giants, go invisible,

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Because, therefore, it is a thing so difficult, impossible, and far beyond Hercules labours to be performed; let them be rude, stupid, ignorant, incult, lapis super lapidem sedeat, and as the [600]apologist will, resp. tussi, et graveolentia laboret, mundus vitio, let them be barbarous as they are, let them [601]tyrannise, epicurise, oppress, luxuriate, consume themselves with factions, superstitions, lawsuits, wars and contentions, live in riot, poverty, want, misery; rebel, wallow as so many swine in their own dung, with Ulysses’ companions, stultos jubeo esse libenter.  I will yet, to satisfy and please myself, make an Utopia of mine own, a new Atlantis, a poetical commonwealth of mine own, in which I will freely domineer, build cities, make laws, statutes, as I list myself.  And why may I not?—­[602]_Pictoribus atque poetis_, &c.  You know what liberty poets ever had, and besides, my predecessor Democritus was a politician, a recorder of Abdera, a law maker as some say; and why may not I presume so much as he did?  Howsoever

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Utopian parity is a kind of government, to be wished for, [623]rather than effected, Respub.  Christianopolitana, Campanella’s city of the Sun, and that new Atlantis, witty fictions, but mere chimeras; and Plato’s community in many things is impious, absurd and ridiculous, it takes away all splendour and magnificence.  I will have several orders, degrees of nobility, and those hereditary, not rejecting younger brothers in the mean time, for they shall be sufficiently provided for by pensions, or so qualified, brought up in some honest calling, they shall be able to live of themselves.  I will have such a proportion of ground belonging to every barony, he that buys the land shall buy the barony, he that by riot consumes his patrimony, and

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[626] “nunquam libertas gratior extat,
        Quam sub Rege pio,” &c.

few laws, but those severely kept, plainly put down, and in the mother tongue, that every man may understand.  Every city shall have a peculiar trade or privilege, by which it shall be chiefly maintained:  [627]and parents shall teach their children one of three at least, bring up and instruct them in the mysteries of their own trade.  In each town these several tradesmen shall be so aptly disposed, as they shall free the rest from danger or offence:  fire-trades, as smiths, forge-men, brewers, bakers, metal-men, &c., shall dwell apart by themselves:  dyers, tanners, fellmongers, and such as use water in convenient places by themselves:  noisome or fulsome for bad smells, as butchers’ slaughterhouses, chandlers, curriers, in remote places, and some back lanes.  Fraternities and companies, I approve of, as merchants’ bourses, colleges of druggists, physicians, musicians, &c., but all trades to be rated in the sale of wares, as our clerks of the market do bakers and brewers; corn itself, what scarcity soever shall come, not to extend such a price.  Of such wares as are transported or brought in, [628]if they be necessary, commodious, and such as nearly concern man’s life, as corn, wood, coal, &c., and such provision we cannot want, I will have little or no custom paid, no taxes; but for such things as are for pleasure, delight, or ornament, as wine, spice, tobacco, silk, velvet, cloth of gold, lace, jewels, &c., a greater impost.  I will have certain ships sent out for new discoveries every year, [629]and some discreet men appointed to travel into all neighbouring kingdoms by land, which shall observe what artificial inventions and good laws are in other countries, customs, alterations, or aught else, concerning war or peace, which may tend to the common good.  Ecclesiastical discipline, penes Episcopos, subordinate as the other.  No impropriations, no lay patrons of church livings, or one private man, but common societies, corporations, &c., and those rectors of benefices to be chosen out of the Universities,

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------“quis enim virtutem amplectitur ipsam,
Proemia si tollas?”------[645]

He that invents anything for public good in any art or science, writes a treatise, [646]or performs any noble exploit, at home or abroad, [647] shall be accordingly enriched, [648]honoured, and preferred.  I say with Hannibal in Ennius, Hostem qui feriet erit mihi Carthaginensis, let him be of what condition he will, in all offices, actions, he that deserves best shall have best.

Tilianus in Philonius, out of a charitable mind no doubt, wished all his books were gold and silver, jewels and precious stones, [649]to redeem captives, set free prisoners, and relieve all poor distressed souls that wanted means; religiously done.  I deny not, but to what purpose?  Suppose this were so well done, within a little after, though a man had Croesus’ wealth to bestow, there would be as many more.  Wherefore I will suffer no [650]beggars, rogues, vagabonds, or idle persons at all, that cannot give an account of their lives how they [651]maintain themselves.  If they be impotent, lame, blind, and single, they shall be sufficiently maintained in several hospitals, built for that purpose; if married and infirm, past work, or by inevitable loss, or some such like misfortune cast behind, by distribution of [652]corn, house-rent free, annual pensions or money, they shall be relieved, and highly rewarded for their good service they have formerly done; if able, they shall be enforced to work. [653]"For I see no reason” (as [654]he said) “why an epicure or idle drone, a rich glutton, a usurer, should live at ease, and do nothing, live in honour, in all manner of pleasures, and oppress others, when as in the meantime a poor labourer, a smith, a carpenter, an husbandman that hath spent his time in continual labour, as an ass to carry burdens, to do the commonwealth good, and without whom we cannot live, shall be left in his old age to beg or starve, and lead a miserable life worse than a jument.”  As [655]all conditions shall be tied to their task, so none shall be overtired, but have their set times of recreations and holidays, indulgere genio, feasts and merry meetings,

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No man shall marry until he [665]be 25, no woman till she be 20, [666] nisi alitur dispensatum fuerit.  If one [667]die, the other party shall not marry till six months after; and because many families are compelled to live niggardly, exhaust and undone by great dowers, [668]none shall be given at all, or very little, and that by supervisors rated, they that are foul shall have a greater portion; if fair, none at all, or very little:  [669]howsoever not to exceed such a rate as those supervisors shall think fit.  And when once they come to those years, poverty shall hinder no man from marriage, or any other respect, [670]but all shall be rather enforced than hindered, [671]except they be [672]dismembered, or grievously deformed, infirm, or visited with some enormous hereditary disease, in body or mind; in such cases upon a great pain, or mulct, [673]man or woman shall not marry, other order shall be taken for them to their content.  If people overabound, they shall be eased by [674]colonies.

[675]No man shall wear weapons in any city.  The same attire shall be kept, and that proper to several callings, by which they shall be distinguished. [676]_Luxus funerum_ shall be taken away, that intempestive expense moderated, and many others.  Brokers, takers of pawns, biting usurers, I will not admit; yet because hic cum hominibus non cum diis agitur, we converse here with men, not with gods, and for the hardness of men’s hearts I will tolerate some kind of usury. [677]If we were honest, I confess, si probi essemus, we should have no use of it, but being as it is, we must necessarily admit it.  Howsoever

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I will have no private monopolies, to enrich one man, and beggar a multitude, [681]multiplicity of offices, of supplying by deputies, weights and measures, the same throughout, and those rectified by the Primum mobile and sun’s motion, threescore miles to a degree according to observation, 1000 geometrical paces to a mile, five foot to a pace, twelve inches to a foot, &c. and from measures known it is an easy matter to rectify weights, &c. to cast up all, and resolve bodies by algebra, stereometry.  I hate wars if they be not ad populi salutem upon urgent occasion, [682]_odimus accipitrim, quia semper vivit in armis_ [683] offensive wars, except the cause be very just, I will not allow of.  For I do highly magnify that saying of Hannibal to Scipio, in [684]Livy, “It had been a blessed thing for you and us, if God had given that mind to our predecessors, that you had been content with Italy, we with Africa.  For neither Sicily nor Sardinia are worth such cost and pains, so many fleets and armies, or so many famous Captains’ lives.” Omnia prius tentanda, fair means shall first be tried. [685]_Peragit tranquilla potestas, Quod violenta nequit_.  I will have them proceed with all moderation:  but hear you, Fabius my general, not Minutius, nam [686]qui Consilio nititur plus hostibus nocet, quam qui sini animi ratione, viribus:  And in such wars to abstain as much as is possible from [687]depopulations, burning of towns, massacring of infants, &c.  For defensive wars, I will have forces still ready at a small warning, by land and sea, a prepared navy, soldiers in procinctu, et quam [688]Bonfinius apud Hungaros suos vult, virgam ferream, and money, which is nerves belli, still in a readiness, and a sufficient revenue, a third part as in old [689]Rome and Egypt, reserved

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From commonwealths and cities, I will descend to families, which have as many corsives and molestations, as frequent discontents as the rest.  Great affinity there is betwixt a political and economical body; they differ only in magnitude and proportion of business (so Scaliger [692]writes) as they have both likely the same period, as [693]Bodin and [694]Peucer hold, out of Plato, six or seven hundred years, so many times they have the same means of their vexation and overthrows; as namely, riot, a common ruin of both, riot in building, riot in profuse spending, riot in apparel, &c. be it in what kind soever, it produceth the same effects.  A [695]chorographer of ours speaking obiter of ancient families, why they are so frequent in the north, continue so long, are so soon extinguished in the south, and so few, gives no other reason but this, luxus omnia dissipavit, riot hath consumed all, fine clothes and curious buildings came into this island, as he notes in his annals, not so many years since; non sine dispendio hospitalitatis to the decay of hospitality.  Howbeit many times that word is mistaken, and under the name of bounty and hospitality, is shrouded riot and prodigality, and that which is commendable in itself well used, hath been mistaken heretofore, is become by his abuse, the bane and utter ruin of many a noble family.  For some men live like the rich glutton, consuming themselves and their substance by continual feasting and invitations, with [696]Axilon in Homer, keep open house for all comers, giving entertainment to such as visit them, [697]keeping a table beyond their means, and a company of idle servants (though not so frequent as of old) are blown up on a sudden; and as Actaeon was by his hounds, devoured by their kinsmen, friends, and multitude of followers. [698]It is a wonder that Paulus Jovius relates of our northern countries, what an infinite deal of meat we consume on our tables; that I may truly say, ’tis not bounty, not hospitality, as it is often abused, but riot and excess, gluttony and prodigality; a mere vice; it brings in debt, want, and beggary, hereditary diseases, consumes their fortunes, and overthrows the good temperature of their bodies.  To this I might here well add their inordinate expense in building, those fantastical houses, turrets, walks, parks, &c. gaming, excess of pleasure, and that prodigious

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I have done with families, and will now briefly run over some few sorts and conditions of men.  The most secure, happy, jovial, and merry in the world’s esteem are princes and great men, free from melancholy:  but for their cares, miseries, suspicions, jealousies, discontents, folly and madness, I refer you to Xenophon’s Tyrannus, where king Hieron discourseth at large with Simonides the poet, of this subject.  Of all others they are most troubled with perpetual fears, anxieties, insomuch, that as he said in [707]Valerius, if thou knewest with what cares and miseries this robe were stuffed, thou wouldst not stoop to take it up.  Or put case they be secure and free from fears and discontents, yet they are void [708]of reason too oft, and precipitate in their actions, read all our histories, quos de stultis prodidere stulti, Iliades, Aeneides, Annales, and what is the subject?

       “Stultorum regum, et populorum continet aestus.”

       “The giddy tumults and the foolish rage
        Of kings and people.”

How mad they are, how furious, and upon small occasions, rash and inconsiderate in their proceedings, how they dote, every page almost will witness,

------“delirant reges, plectuntur Achivi.”

       “When doting monarchs urge
        Unsound resolves, their subjects feel the scourge.”

Next in place, next in miseries and discontents, in all manner of hair-brain actions, are great men, procul a Jove, procul a fulmine, the nearer the worse.  If they live in court, they are up and down, ebb and flow with their princes’ favours, Ingenium vultu statque caditque suo, now aloft, tomorrow down, as [709]Polybius describes them, “like so many casting counters, now of gold, tomorrow of silver, that vary in worth as the computant will; now they stand for units, tomorrow for thousands; now before all, and anon behind.”  Beside, they torment one another with mutual factions, emulations:  one is ambitious, another enamoured, a third in debt, a prodigal, overruns his fortunes, a fourth solicitous with cares, gets nothing, &c.  But for these men’s discontents, anxieties, I refer you to Lucian’s Tract, de mercede conductis, [710]Aeneas Sylvius (libidinis et stultitiae servos, he calls them), Agrippa, and many others.

Of philosophers and scholars priscae sapientiae dictatores, I have already spoken in general terms, those superintendents of wit and learning, men above men, those refined men, minions of the muses,

[711]   ------“mentemque habere queis bonam
Et esse [712]corculis datum est.”------

[713]These acute and subtle sophisters, so much honoured, have as much need of hellebore as others.—­[714]_O medici mediam pertundite venam._ Read Lucian’s Piscator, and tell how he esteemed them; Agrippa’s Tract of the vanity of Sciences; nay read their own works, their absurd tenets, prodigious paradoxes, et risum teneatis amici?  You shall find

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------“vehuntur
In rate stultitiae sylvam habitant Furiae."[729]

Budaeus, in an epistle of his to Lupsetus, will have civil law to be the tower of wisdom; another honours physic, the quintessence of nature; a third tumbles them both down, and sets up the flag of his own peculiar science.  Your supercilious critics, grammatical triflers, note-makers, curious antiquaries, find out all the ruins of wit, ineptiarum delicias, amongst the rubbish of old writers; [730]_Pro stultis habent nisi aliquid sufficiant invenire, quod in aliorum scriptis vertant vitio_, all fools with them that cannot find fault; they correct others, and are hot in a cold cause, puzzle themselves to find out how many streets in Rome, houses, gates, towers, Homer’s country, Aeneas’s mother, Niobe’s daughters, an Sappho publica fuerit? ovum [731]prius extiterit an gallina! &c. et alia quae dediscenda essent scire, si scires, as [732]Seneca holds.  What clothes the senators did wear in Rome, what shoes, how they sat, where they went to the close-stool, how many dishes in a mess, what sauce, which for the present for an historian to relate, [733]according to Lodovic.  Vives, is very ridiculous, is to them most precious elaborate stuff, they admired for it, and as proud, as triumphant in the meantime for this discovery, as if they had won a city, or conquered a province; as rich as if they had found a mine of gold ore. Quosvis auctores absurdis commentis suis percacant et stercorant, one saith, they bewray and daub a company of books and good authors, with their absurd comments, correctorum sterquilinia [734]Scaliger calls them, and show their wit in censuring others, a company of foolish note-makers, humble-bees, dors, or beetles, inter stercora ut plurimum versantur, they rake over all those rubbish and dunghills, and prefer a manuscript many times before the Gospel itself, [735]_thesaurum criticum_, before any treasure, and with their deleaturs, alii legunt sic, meus codex sic habet, with their postremae editiones, annotations, castigations, &c. make books dear, themselves ridiculous, and do nobody good, yet if any man dare oppose or contradict, they are mad, up in arms on a sudden, how many sheets are written in defence, how bitter invectives, what apologies? [736]_Epiphilledes hae sunt ut merae, nugae_. 

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That [738]lovers are mad, I think no man will deny, Amare simul et sapere, ipsi Jovi non datur, Jupiter himself cannot intend both at once.

[739] “Non bene conveniunt, nec in una sede morantur
        Majestas et amor.”

Tully, when he was invited to a second marriage, replied, he could not simul amare et sapere be wise and love both together. [740]_Est orcus ille, vis est immedicabilis, est rabies insana_, love is madness, a hell, an incurable disease; inpotentem et insanam libidinem [741]Seneca calls it, an impotent and raging lust.  I shall dilate this subject apart; in the meantime let lovers sigh out the rest.

[742]Nevisanus the lawyer holds it for an axiom, “most women are fools,” [743]_consilium foeminis invalidum_; Seneca, men, be they young or old; who doubts it, youth is mad as Elius in Tully, Stulti adolescentuli, old age little better, deleri senes, &c.  Theophrastes, in the 107th year of his age, [744]said he then began to be to wise, tum sapere coepit, and therefore lamented his departure.  If wisdom come so late, where shall we find a wise man?  Our old ones dote at threescore-and-ten.  I would cite more proofs, and a better author, but for the present, let one fool point at another. [745]Nevisanus hath as hard an opinion of [746]rich men, “wealth and wisdom cannot dwell together,” stultitiam patiuntur opes, [747]and they do commonly [748]_infatuare cor hominis_, besot men; and as we see it, “fools have fortune:”  [749]_Sapientia non invenitur in terra suaviter viventium_.  For beside a natural contempt of learning, which accompanies such kind of men, innate idleness (for they will take no pains), and which [750]Aristotle observes, ubi mens plurima, ibi minima fortuna, ubi plurima fortuna, ibi mens perexigua, great wealth and little wit go commonly together:  they have as much brains some of them in their heads as in their heels; besides this inbred neglect of liberal sciences, and all arts, which should excolere mentem, polish the mind, they have most part some gullish humour or other, by which they are led; one is an Epicure, an Atheist, a second a gamester, a third a whoremaster (fit subjects all for a satirist to work upon);

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[751] “Hic nuptarum insanit amoribus, hic puerorum.”

       “One burns to madness for the wedded dame;
        Unnatural lusts another’s heart inflame.”

[752]one is mad of hawking, hunting, cocking; another of carousing, horse-riding, spending; a fourth of building, fighting, &c., Insanit veteres statuas Damasippus emendo, Damasippus hath an humour of his own, to be talked of:  [753]Heliodorus the Carthaginian another.  In a word, as Scaliger concludes of them all, they are Statuae erectae stultitiae, the very statutes or pillars of folly.  Choose out of all stories him that hath been most admired, you shall still find, multa ad laudem, multa ad vituperationem magnifica, as [754]Berosus of Semiramis; omnes mortales militia triumphis, divitiis, &c., tum et luxu, caede, caeterisque vitiis antecessit, as she had some good, so had she many bad parts.

Alexander, a worthy man, but furious in his anger, overtaken in drink:  Caesar and Scipio valiant and wise, but vainglorious, ambitious:  Vespasian a worthy prince, but covetous:  [755]Hannibal, as he had mighty virtues, so had he many vices; unam virtutem mille vitia comitantur, as Machiavel of Cosmo de Medici, he had two distinct persons in him.  I will determine of them all, they are like these double or turning pictures; stand before which you see a fair maid, on the one side an ape, on the other an owl; look upon them at the first sight, all is well, but farther examine, you shall find them wise on the one side, and fools on the other; in some few things praiseworthy, in the rest incomparably faulty.  I will say nothing of their diseases, emulations, discontents, wants, and such miseries:  let poverty plead the rest in Aristophanes’ Plutus.

Covetous men, amongst others, are most mad, [756]they have all the symptoms of melancholy, fear, sadness, suspicion, &c., as shall be proved in its proper place,

       “Danda est Hellebori multo pars maxima avaris.”

       “Misers make Anticyra their own;
        Its hellebore reserved for them alone.”

And yet methinks prodigals are much madder than they, be of what condition they will, that bear a public or private purse; as a [757]Dutch writer censured Richard the rich duke of Cornwall, suing to be emperor, for his profuse spending, qui effudit pecuniam, ante pedes principium Electorum sicut aquam, that scattered money like water; I do censure them, Stulta Anglia (saith he) quae, tot denariis sponte est privata, stulti principes Alemaniae, qui nobile jus suum pro pecunia vendiderunt; spendthrifts, bribers, and bribe-takers are fools, and so are [758]all they that cannot keep, disburse, or spend their moneys well.

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I might say the like of angry, peevish, envious, ambitious; [759] Anticyras melior sorbere meracas; Epicures, Atheists, Schismatics, Heretics; hi omnes habent imaginationem laesam (saith Nymannus) “and their madness shall be evident,” 2 Tim. iii. 9. [760]Fabatus, an Italian, holds seafaring men all mad; “the ship is mad, for it never stands still; the mariners are mad, to expose themselves to such imminent dangers:  the waters are raging mad, in perpetual motion:  the winds are as mad as the rest, they know not whence they come, whither they would go:  and those men are maddest of all that go to sea; for one fool at home, they find forty abroad.”  He was a madman that said it, and thou peradventure as mad to read it. [761] Felix Platerus is of opinion all alchemists are mad, out of their wits; [762]Atheneus saith as much of fiddlers, et musarum luscinias, [763] Musicians, omnes tibicines insaniunt, ubi semel efflant, avolat illico mens, in comes music at one ear, out goes wit at another.  Proud and vainglorious persons are certainly mad; and so are [764]lascivious; I can feel their pulses beat hither; horn-mad some of them, to let others lie with their wives, and wink at it.

To insist [765]in all particulars, were an Herculean task, to [766]reckon up [767]_insanas substructiones, insanos labores, insanum luxum_, mad labours, mad books, endeavours, carriages, gross ignorance, ridiculous actions, absurd gestures; insanam gulam, insaniam villarum, insana jurgia, as Tully terms them, madness of villages, stupend structures; as those Egyptian Pyramids, Labyrinths and Sphinxes, which a company of crowned asses, ad ostentationem opum, vainly built, when neither the architect nor king that made them, or to what use and purpose, are yet known:  to insist in their hypocrisy, inconstancy, blindness, rashness, dementem temeritatem, fraud, cozenage, malice, anger, impudence, ingratitude, ambition, gross superstition, [768]_tempora infecta et adulatione sordida_, as in Tiberius’ times, such base flattery, stupend, parasitical fawning and colloguing, &c. brawls, conflicts, desires, contentions, it would ask an expert Vesalius to anatomise every member.  Shall I say?  Jupiter himself, Apollo, Mars, &c. doted; and monster-conquering Hercules that subdued the world, and helped others, could not relieve himself in this, but mad he was at last.  And where shall a man walk, converse with whom, in what province, city, and not meet with Signior Deliro, or Hercules Furens, Maenads, and Corybantes?  Their speeches say no less. [769]_E fungis nati homines_, or else they fetched their pedigree from those that were struck by Samson with the jaw-bone of an ass.  Or from Deucalion and Pyrrha’s stones, for durum genus sumus, [770] marmorei sumus, we are stony-hearted, and savour too much of the stock, as if they had all heard that enchanted horn of Astolpho, that English duke in Ariosto, which never sounded but all his auditors

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       “A Sole exoriente Maeotidas usque paludes,
        Nemo est qui justo se aequiparare queat."[785]

Lipsius saith of himself, that he was [786]_humani generis quidem paedagogus voce et stylo_, a grand signior, a master, a tutor of us all, and for thirteen years he brags how he sowed wisdom in the Low Countries, as Ammonius the philosopher sometimes did in Alexandria, [787]_cum humanitate literas et sapientiam cum prudentia:  antistes sapientiae_, he shall be Sapientum Octavus.  The Pope is more than a man, as [788]his parrots often make him, a demigod, and besides his holiness cannot err, in Cathedra belike:  and yet some of them have been magicians, Heretics, Atheists, children, and as Platina saith of John 22, Et si vir literatus, multa stoliditatem et laevitatem prae se ferentia egit, stolidi et socordis vir ingenii, a scholar sufficient, yet many things he did foolishly, lightly.  I can say no more than in particular, but in general terms to the rest, they are all mad, their wits are evaporated, and, as Ariosto feigns, l. 34, kept in jars above the moon.

       “Some lose their wits with love, some with ambition,
        Some following [789]Lords and men of high condition. 
        Some in fair jewels rich and costly set,
        Others in Poetry their wits forget. 
        Another thinks to be an Alchemist,
        Till all be spent, and that his number’s mist.”

Convicted fools they are, madmen upon record; and I am afraid past cure many of them, [790]_crepunt inguina_, the symptoms are manifest, they are all of Gotam parish: 

[791] “Quum furor haud dubius, quum sit manifesta phrenesis,”

       “Since madness is indisputable, since frenzy is obvious.”

what remains then [792]but to send for Lorarios, those officers to carry them all together for company to Bedlam, and set Rabelais to be their physician.

If any man shall ask in the meantime, who I am that so boldly censure others, tu nullane habes vitia? have I no faults? [793]Yes, more than thou hast, whatsoever thou art. Nos numerus sumus, I confess it again, I am as foolish, as mad as any one.

[794]  “Insanus vobis videor, non deprecor ipse,
Quo minus insanus,”------

I do not deny it, demens de populo dematur.  My comfort is, I have more fellows, and those of excellent note.  And though I be not so right or so discreet as I should be, yet not so mad, so bad neither, as thou perhaps takest me to be.

To conclude, this being granted, that all the world is melancholy, or mad, dotes, and every member of it, I have ended my task, and sufficiently illustrated that which I took upon me to demonstrate at first.  At this present I have no more to say; His sanam mentem Democritus, I can but wish myself and them a good physician, and all of us a better mind.

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And although for the above-named reasons, I had a just cause to undertake this subject, to point at these particular species of dotage, that so men might acknowledge their imperfections, and seek to reform what is amiss; yet I have a more serious intent at this time; and to omit all impertinent digressions, to say no more of such as are improperly melancholy, or metaphorically mad, lightly mad, or in disposition, as stupid, angry, drunken, silly, sottish, sullen, proud, vainglorious, ridiculous, beastly, peevish, obstinate, impudent, extravagant, dry, doting, dull, desperate, harebrain, &c. mad, frantic, foolish, heteroclites, which no new [795] hospital can hold, no physic help; my purpose and endeavour is, in the following discourse to anatomise this humour of melancholy, through all its parts and species, as it is an habit, or an ordinary disease, and that philosophically, medicinally, to show the causes, symptoms, and several cures of it, that it may be the better avoided.  Moved thereunto for the generality of it, and to do good, it being a disease so frequent, as [796] Mercurialis observes, “in these our days; so often happening,” saith [797] Laurentius, “in our miserable times,” as few there are that feel not the smart of it.  Of the same mind is Aelian Montaltus, [798]Melancthon, and others; [799]Julius Caesar Claudinus calls it the “fountain of all other diseases, and so common in this crazed age of ours, that scarce one of a thousand is free from it;” and that splenetic hypochondriacal wind especially, which proceeds from the spleen and short ribs.  Being then a disease so grievous, so common, I know not wherein to do a more general service, and spend my time better, than to prescribe means how to prevent and cure so universal a malady, an epidemical disease, that so often, so much crucifies the body and mind.

If I have overshot myself in this which hath been hitherto said, or that it is, which I am sure some will object, too fantastical, “too light and comical for a Divine, too satirical for one of my profession,” I will presume to answer with [800]Erasmus, in like case, ’tis not I, but Democritus, Democritus dixit:  you must consider what it is to speak in one’s own or another’s person, an assumed habit and name; a difference betwixt him that affects or acts a prince’s, a philosopher’s, a magistrate’s, a fool’s part, and him that is so indeed; and what liberty those old satirists have had; it is a cento collected from others; not I, but they that say it.

[801]  “Dixero si quid forte jocosius, hoc mihi juris
Cum venia, dabis”------

       “Yet some indulgence I may justly claim,
        If too familiar with another’s fame.”

Take heed you mistake me not.  If I do a little forget myself, I hope you will pardon it.  And to say truth, why should any man be offended, or take exceptions at it?

       “Licuit, semperque licebit,
        Parcere personis, dicere de vitiis.”

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       “It lawful was of old, and still will be,
        To speak of vice, but let the name go free.”

I hate their vices, not their persons.  If any be displeased, or take aught unto himself, let him not expostulate or cavil with him that said it (so did [802]Erasmus excuse himself to Dorpius, si parva licet componere magnis) and so do I; “but let him be angry with himself, that so betrayed and opened his own faults in applying it to himself:”  [803]"if he be guilty and deserve it, let him amend, whoever he is, and not be angry.”  “He that hateth correction is a fool,” Prov. xii. 1.  If he be not guilty, it concerns him not; it is not my freeness of speech, but a guilty conscience, a galled back of his own that makes him wince.

       “Suspicione si quis errabit sua,
        Et rapiet ad se, quod erit commune omnium,
        Stulte nudabit animi conscientiam."[804]

I deny not this which I have said savours a little of Democritus; [805] Quamvis ridentem dicere verum quid velat; one may speak in jest, and yet speak truth.  It is somewhat tart, I grant it; acriora orexim excitant embammata, as he said, sharp sauces increase appetite, [806]_nec cibus ipse juvat morsu fraudatus aceti_.  Object then and cavil what thou wilt, I ward all with [807]Democritus’s buckler, his medicine shall salve it; strike where thou wilt, and when:  Democritus dixit, Democritus will answer it.  It was written by an idle fellow, at idle times, about our Saturnalian or Dionysian feasts, when as he said, nullum libertati periculum est, servants in old Rome had liberty to say and do what them list.  When our countrymen sacrificed to their goddess [808]Vacuna, and sat tippling by their Vacunal fires.  I writ this, and published this [Greek:  houtis helegen], it is neminis nihil.  The time, place, persons, and all circumstances apologise for me, and why may not I then be idle with others? speak my mind freely?  If you deny me this liberty, upon these presumptions I will take it:  I say again, I will take it.

[809] “Si quis est qui dictum in se inclementius
        Existimavit esse, sic existimet.”

If any man take exceptions, let him turn the buckle of his girdle, I care not.  I owe thee nothing (Reader), I look for no favour at thy hands, I am independent, I fear not.

No, I recant, I will not, I care, I fear, I confess my fault, acknowledge a great offence,

------“motos praestat componere fluctus.”

------“let’s first assuage the troubled waves”

I have overshot myself, I have spoken foolishly, rashly, unadvisedly, absurdly, I have anatomised mine own folly.  And now methinks upon a sudden I am awaked as it were out of a dream; I have had a raving fit, a fantastical fit, ranged up and down, in and out, I have insulted over the most kind of men, abused some, offended others, wronged myself; and now being recovered, and perceiving mine error, cry with [810]Orlando, Solvite me, pardon (o boni) that which is past, and I will make you amends in that which is to come; I promise you a more sober discourse in my following treatise.

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If through weakness, folly, passion, [811]discontent, ignorance, I have said amiss, let it be forgotten and forgiven.  I acknowledge that of [812] Tacitus to be true, Asperae facetiae, ubi nimis ex vero traxere, acrem sui memoriam relinquunt, a bitter jest leaves a sting behind it:  and as an honourable man observes, [813]"They fear a satirist’s wit, he their memories.”  I may justly suspect the worst; and though I hope I have wronged no man, yet in Medea’s words I will crave pardon,

------“Illud jam voce extrema peto,
Ne si qua noster dubius effudit dolor,
Maneant in animo verba, sed melior tibi
Memoria nostri subeat, haec irae data
Obliterentur”------

       “And in my last words this I do desire,
        That what in passion I have said, or ire,
        May be forgotten, and a better mind,
        Be had of us, hereafter as you find.”

I earnestly request every private man, as Scaliger did Cardan, not to take offence.  I will conclude in his lines, Si me cognitum haberes, non solum donares nobis has facetias nostras, sed etiam indignum duceres, tam humanum aninum, lene ingenium, vel minimam suspicionem deprecari oportere.  If thou knewest my [814]modesty and simplicity, thou wouldst easily pardon and forgive what is here amiss, or by thee misconceived.  If hereafter anatomizing this surly humour, my hand slip, as an unskilful ’prentice I lance too deep, and cut through skin and all at unawares, make it smart, or cut awry, [815]pardon a rude hand, an unskilful knife, ’tis a most difficult thing to keep an even tone, a perpetual tenor, and not sometimes to lash out; difficile est Satyram non scribere, there be so many objects to divert, inward perturbations to molest, and the very best may sometimes err; aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus (some times that excellent Homer takes a nap), it is impossible not in so much to overshoot;—­opere in longo fas est obrepere, summum.  But what needs all this?  I hope there will no such cause of offence be given; if there be, [816]_Nemo aliquid recognoscat, nos mentimur omnia_.  I’ll deny all (my last refuge), recant all, renounce all I have said, if any man except, and with as much facility excuse, as he can accuse; but I presume of thy good favour, and gracious acceptance (gentle reader).  Out of an assured hope and confidence thereof, I will begin.

LECTORI MALE FERIATO.

Tu vero cavesis edico quisquis es, ne temere sugilles Auctorem hujusce operis, aut cavillator irrideas.  Imo ne vel ex aliorum censura tacite obloquaris (vis dicam verbo) nequid nasutulus inepte improbes, aut falso fingas.  Nam si talis revera sit, qualem prae se fert Junior Democritus, seniori Democrito saltem affinis, aut ejus Genium vel tantillum sapiat; actum de te, censorem aeque ac delatorem [817]aget econtra (petulanti splene cum sit) sufflabit te in jocos, comminuet in sales, addo etiam, et deo risui te sacrificabit.

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Iterum moneo, ne quid cavillere, ne dum Democritum Juniorem conviciis infames, aut ignominiose vituperes, de te non male sentientem, tu idem audias ab amico cordato, quod olim vulgus Abderitanum ab [818] Hippocrate, concivem bene meritum et popularem suum Democritum, pro insano habens. Ne tu Democrite sapis, stulti autem et insani Abderitae.

[819] “Abderitanae pectora plebis habes.”

Haec te paucis admonitum volo (male feriate Lector) abi.

TO THE READER AT LEISURE.

Whoever you may be, I caution you against rashly defaming the author of this work, or cavilling in jest against him.  Nay, do not silently reproach him in consequence of others’ censure, nor employ your wit in foolish disapproval, or false accusation.  For, should Democritus Junior prove to be what he professes, even a kinsman of his elder namesake, or be ever so little of the same kidney, it is all over with you:  he will become both accuser and judge of you in your spleen, will dissipate you in jests, pulverise you into salt, and sacrifice you, I can promise you, to the God of Mirth.

I further advise you, not to asperse, or calumniate, or slander, Democritus Junior, who possibly does not think ill of you, lest you may hear from some discreet friend, the same remark the people of Abdera did from Hippocrates, of their meritorious and popular fellow-citizen, whom they had looked on as a madman; “It is not that you, Democritus, that art wise, but that the people of Abdera are fools and madmen.”  “You have yourself an Abderitian soul;” and having just given you, gentle reader, these few words of admonition, farewell.

       “Heraclite fleas, misero sic convenit aevo,
          Nil nisi turpe vides, nil nisi triste vides. 
        Ride etiam, quantumque lubet, Democrite ride
          Non nisi vana vides, non nisi stulta vides. 
        Is fletu, his risu modo gaudeat, unus utrique
          Sit licet usque labor, sit licet usque dolor. 
        Nunc opes est (nam totus eheu jam desipit orbis)
          Mille Heraclitis, milleque Democritis. 
        Nunc opus est (tanta est insania) transeat omnis
          Mundus in Anticyras, gramen in Helleborum.”

       “Weep, O Heraclitus, it suits the age,
          Unless you see nothing base, nothing sad. 
        Laugh, O Democritus, as much as you please,
          Unless you see nothing either vain or foolish. 
        Let one rejoice in smiles, the other in tears;
          Let the same labour or pain be the office of both. 
        Now (for alas! how foolish the world has become),
          A thousand Heraclitus’, a thousand Democritus’ are required. 
        Now (so much does madness prevail), all the world must be
          Sent to Anticyra, to graze on Hellebore.”

THE SYNOPSIS OF THE FIRST PARTITION.

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In diseases, consider Sect. 1.  Memb. 1.

  Their Causes. Subs. 1.

      Impulsive;
          Sin, concupiscence, &c.

      Instrumental;
          Intemperance, all second causes, &c.

Or Definition, Member, Division. Subs. 2.

Of the body 300, which are
Epidemical, as Plague, Plica, &c. 
Or Particular as Gout, Dropsy, &c.

Or Of the head or mind. Subs. 3.
In disposition; as all perturbations, evil affection, &c. 
Or Habits, as Subs. 4.
Dotage
Frenzy. 
Madness. 
Ecstasy. 
Lycanthropia. 
Chorus sancti Viti. 
Hydrophobia. 
Possession or obsession of Devils. 
Melancholy.  See [Symbol:  Aries].

[Symbol:  Aries] Melancholy:  in which consider

Its Equivocations, in Disposition, Improper, &c. Subsect. 5.

Memb. 2.
To its explication, a digression of anatomy, in which observe parts of
Subs. 1.
Body hath parts Subs. 2.
contained as
Humours, 4.  Blood, Phlegm, &c. 
Spirits; vital, natural, animal.

or containing
Similar; spermatical, or flesh, bones, nerves, &c. Subs. 3.
Dissimilar; brain, heart, liver, &c. Subs. 4.

Soul and its faculties, as
Vegetal. Subs. 5.
Sensible. Subs. 6, 7, 8.
Rational. Subsect. 9, 10, 11.

Memb. 3.
Its definition, name, difference, Subs. 1.
The part and parties affected, affection, &c. Subs. 2.
The matter of melancholy, natural, &c. Subs. 3.
Species, or kinds [Subs. 4.], which are
Proper to parts, as
Of the head alone, hypochondriacal, or windy melancholy.  Of the
whole body.
with their several causes, symptoms, prognostics, cures

Or Indefinite; as Love-melancholy, the subject of the third
Partition.

Its Causes in general. Sect. 2. A.
Its Symptoms or signs. Sect. 3. B.
Its Prognostics or indications. Sect. 4. C.
Its Cures; the subject of the second Partition.

A. Sect. 2. Causes of Melancholy are either

General, as Memb. 1.

Supernatural
As from God immediately, or by second causes. Subs. 1.

Or from the devil immediately, with a digression of the nature of
spirits and devils. Subs. 2.

Or mediately, by magicians, witches. Subs. 3.

Or Natural

Primary, as stars, proved by aphorisms, signs from physiognomy,
metoposcopy, chiromancy. Subs. 4.

Or Secondary, as

Congenite, inward from
Old age, temperament, Subs. 5.
Parents, it being an hereditary disease, Subs. 6.

Or Outward or adventitious, which are
Evident, outward, remote, adventitious, as,
Necessary, see [Symbol:  Taurus].

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Not necessary, as M. 4.  S. 2.
Nurses, Subs. 1.
Education, Subs. 2.
Terrors, affrights, Subs. 3.
Scoffs, calumnies, bitter jests, Subs. 4.
Loss of liberty, servitude, imprisonment, Subs.
5.
Poverty and want, Subs. 6. 
A heap of other accidents, death of friends,
loss, &c. Subs. 7._

Or Contingent, inward, antecedent, nearest. Memb. 5. 
Sect. 2.

In which the body works on the mind, and this malady
is caused by precedent diseases; as agues, pox,
&c., or temperature, innate Subs. 1.

Or by particular parts distempered, as brain, heart,
spleen, liver, mesentery, pylorus, stomach &c.
Subs. 2.

Particular to the three species.  See [Symbol:  Gemini].

[Symbol:  Gemini] Particular causes. Sect. 2.  Memb. 5.

Of head Melancholy are Subs. 3.

Inward
Innate humour, or from temperature adjust. 
A hot brain, corrupted blood in the brain
Excess of venery, or defect
Agues, or some precedent disease
Fumes arising from the stomach, &c.

Or Outward
Heat of the sun, immoderate
A blow on the head
Overmuch use of hot wines, spices, garlic, onions, hot baths,
overmuch waking, &c. 
Idleness, solitariness, or overmuch study, vehement labour, &c. 
Passions, perturbations, &c.

Of hypochondriacal or windy melancholy are, [Subs. 4.]

Inward
Default of spleen, belly, bowels, stomach, mesentery, miseraic
veins, liver, &c. 
Months or hemorrhoids stopped, or any other ordinary evacuation

or Outward
Those six non-natural things abused.

Over all the body are, Subs. 5.

Inward
Liver distempered, stopped, over-hot, apt to engender melancholy,
temperature innate.

or Outward
Bad diet, suppression of hemorrhoids &c. and such evacuations,
passions, cares, &c. those six non-natural things abused.

[Symbol:  Taurus] Necessary causes, as those six non-natural things, which are, Sect. 2 Memb. 2.

Diet offending in Subs. 1.

Substance
Bread; course and black, &c. 
Drink; thick, thin, sour, &c. 
Water unclean, milk, oil, vinegar, wine, spices &c. 
Flesh
Parts:  heads, feet, entrails, fat, bacon, blood, &c. 
Kinds: 
Beef, pork, venison, hares, goats, pigeons, peacocks,
fen-fowl, &c. 
Herbs, Fish, &c. 
Of fish; all shellfish, hard and slimy fish, &c. 
Of herbs; pulse, cabbage, melons, garlic, onions, &c. 
All roots, raw fruits, hard and windy meats

Quality, as in
Preparing, dressing, sharp sauces, salt meats, indurate, soused,
fried, broiled or made-dishes, &c.

Quantity
Disorder in eating, immoderate eating, or at unseasonable times,
&c. Subs. 2
Custom; delight, appetite, altered, &c. Subs. 3.

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Retention and evacuation, Subs. 4.
Costiveness, hot baths, sweating, issues stopped, Venus in excess, or
in defect, phlebotomy, purging, &c.

Air; hot, cold, tempestuous, dark, thick, foggy, moorish, &c. Subs. 5.

Exercise, Subs. 6.
Unseasonable, excessive, or defective, of body or mind, solitariness,
idleness, a life out of action, &c.

  Sleep and waking, unseasonable, inordinate, overmuch, overlittle, &c.
    Subs. 7.

  Memb. 3.  Sect. 2.

  Passions and perturbations of the mind, Subs. 1. With a digression of
    the force of imagination. Subs. 2. and division of passions into
    Subs. 3.

      Irascible,
          Sorrow, cause and symptom, Subs. 4.
          Fear, cause and symptom, Subs. 5.
          Shame, repulse, disgrace, &c. Subs. 6.
          Envy and malice, Subs. 7.
          Emulation, hatred, faction, desire of revenge, Subs. 8.
          Anger a cause, Subs. 9.
          Discontents, cares, miseries, &c. Subs. 10.

or concupiscible. 
Vehement desires, ambition, Subs. 11.
Covetousness, [Greek:  philargurian], Subs. 12.
Love of pleasures, gaming in excess, &c. Subs. 13.
Desire of praise, pride, vainglory, &c. Subs. 14.
Love of learning, study in excess, with a digression, of the
misery of scholars, and why the Muses are melancholy, Subs.
15.

B. Symptoms of melancholy are either Sect. 3.

General, as of Memb. 1.

Body, as ill digestion, crudity, wind, dry brains, hard belly, thick
blood, much waking, heaviness, and palpitation of heart, leaping in
many places, &c., Subs. 1.

or Mind

Common to all or most. 
Fear and sorrow without a just cause, suspicion, jealousy,
discontent, solitariness, irksomeness, continual cogitations,
restless thoughts, vain imaginations, &c. Subs. 2.

Or Particular to private persons, according to Subs. 3. 4.
Celestial influences, as [Symbol:  Saturn] [Symbol:  Jupiter]
[Symbol:  Mars], &c. parts of the body, heart, brain, liver,
spleen, stomach, &c.

Humours
Sanguine are merry still, laughing, pleasant, meditating
on plays, women, music, &c. 
Phlegmatic, slothful, dull, heavy, &c. 
Choleric, furious, impatient, subject to hear and see
strange apparitions, &c. 
Black, solitary, sad; they think they are bewitched,
dead, &c.

Or mixed of these four humours adust, or not adust,
infinitely varied.

Their several customs, conditions, inclinations, discipline,
&c.

Ambitious, thinks himself a king, a lord; covetous, runs on his money; lascivious on his mistress; religious, hath revelations, visions, is a prophet, or troubled in mind; a scholar on his book, &c.

Continuance of time as the humour is intended or remitted,
&c.

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Pleasant at first, hardly discerned; afterwards harsh and
intolerable, if inveterate.  Hence some make three
degrees,
1. Falsa cogitatio.
2. Cogitata loqui.
3. Exequi loquutum.

By fits, or continuate, as the object varies, pleasing,
or displeasing.

Simple, or as it is mixed with other diseases, apoplexies, gout, caninus
appetitus, &c. so the symptoms are various.

[Symbol:  Cancer] Particular symptoms to the three distinct species. Sect. 3.  Memb. 2.

Head melancholy. Subs. 1.

      In body
          Headache, binding and heaviness, vertigo, lightness, singing of
          the ears, much waking, fixed eyes, high colour, red eyes, hard
          belly, dry body; no great sign of melancholy in the other parts.

      Or In mind. 
          Continual fear, sorrow, suspicion, discontent, superfluous cares,
          solicitude, anxiety, perpetual cogitation of such toys they are
          possessed with, thoughts like dreams, &c.

  Hypochondriacal, or windy melancholy. Subs. 2.

      In body
          Wind, rumbling in the guts, bellyache, heat in the bowels,
          convulsions, crudities, short wind, sour and sharp belchings,
          cold sweat, pain in the left side, suffocation, palpitation,
          heaviness of the heart, singing in the ears, much spittle, and
          moist, &c.

      Or In mind. 
          Fearful, sad, suspicious, discontent, anxiety, &c.  Lascivious by
          reason of much wind, troublesome dreams, affected by fits, &c.

  Over all the body. Subs. 3.

      In body
          Black, most part lean, broad veins, gross, thick blood, their
          hemorrhoids commonly stopped, &c.

      Or In mind. 
          Fearful, sad, solitary, hate light, averse from company, fearful
          dreams, &c.

  Symptoms of nuns, maids, and widows melancholy, in body and mind, &c.
  [Subs. 4]

  A reason of these symptoms. Memb. 3.

      Why they are so fearful, sad, suspicious without a cause, why
        solitary, why melancholy men are witty, why they suppose they hear
        and see strange voices, visions, apparitions.

      Why they prophesy, and speak strange languages; whence comes their
        crudity, rumbling, convulsions, cold sweat, heaviness of heart,
        palpitation, cardiaca, fearful dreams, much waking, prodigious
        fantasies.

C. Prognostics of melancholy. Sect. 4.

  Tending to good, as
      Morphew, scabs, itch, breaking out, &c. 
      Black jaundice. 
      If the hemorrhoids voluntarily open. 
      If varices appear.

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  Tending to evil, as
      Leanness, dryness, hollow-eyed, &c. 
      Inveterate melancholy is incurable. 
      If cold, it degenerates often into epilepsy, apoplexy, dotage, or
        into blindness. 
      If hot, into madness, despair, and violent death.

  Corollaries and questions. 
      The grievousness of this above all other diseases. 
      The diseases of the mind are more grievous than those of the body. 
      Whether it be lawful, in this case of melancholy, for a man to offer
        violence to himself. Neg.
      How a melancholy or mad man offering violence to himself, is to be
        censured.

THE FIRST PARTITION.

THE FIRST SECTION, MEMBER, SUBSECTION.
Man’s Excellency, Fall, Miseries, Infirmities; The causes of them.

Man’s Excellency.] Man the most excellent and noble creature of the world, “the principal and mighty work of God, wonder of Nature,” as Zoroaster calls him; audacis naturae miraculum, “the [820]marvel of marvels,” as Plato; “the [821]abridgment and epitome of the world,” as Pliny; microcosmus, a little world, a model of the world, [822]sovereign lord of the earth, viceroy of the world, sole commander and governor of all the creatures in it; to whose empire they are subject in particular, and yield obedience; far surpassing all the rest, not in body only, but in soul; [823]_imaginis imago_, [824]created to God’s own [825]image, to that immortal and incorporeal substance, with all the faculties and powers belonging unto it; was at first pure, divine, perfect, happy, [826] “created after God in true holiness and righteousness;” Deo congruens, free from all manner of infirmities, and put in Paradise, to know God, to praise and glorify him, to do his will, Ut diis consimiles parturiat deos (as an old poet saith) to propagate the church.

Man’s Fall and Misery.] But this most noble creature, Heu tristis, et lachrymosa commutatio ([827]one exclaims) O pitiful change! is fallen from that he was, and forfeited his estate, become miserabilis homuncio, a castaway, a caitiff, one of the most miserable creatures of the world, if he be considered in his own nature, an unregenerate man, and so much obscured by his fall that (some few relics excepted) he is inferior to a beast, [828]"Man in honour that understandeth not, is like unto beasts that perish,” so David esteems him:  a monster by stupend metamorphoses, [829]a fox, a dog, a hog, what not? Quantum mutatus ab illo?  How much altered from that he was; before blessed and happy, now miserable and accursed; [830]"He must eat his meat in sorrow,” subject to death and all manner of infirmities, all kind of calamities.

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A Description of Melancholy.] [831]"Great travail is created for all men, and an heavy yoke on the sons of Adam, from the day that they go out of their mother’s womb, unto that day they return to the mother of all things.  Namely, their thoughts, and fear of their hearts, and their imagination of things they wait for, and the day of death.  From him that sitteth in the glorious throne, to him that sitteth beneath in the earth and ashes; from him that is clothed in blue silk and weareth a crown, to him that is clothed in simple linen.  Wrath, envy, trouble, and unquietness, and fear of death, and rigour, and strife, and such things come to both man and beast, but sevenfold to the ungodly.”  All this befalls him in this life, and peradventure eternal misery in the life to come.

Impulsive Cause of Man’s Misery and Infirmities.] The impulsive cause of these miseries in man, this privation or destruction of God’s image, the cause of death and diseases, of all temporal and eternal punishments, was the sin of our first parent Adam, [832]in eating of the forbidden fruit, by the devil’s instigation and allurement.  His disobedience, pride, ambition, intemperance, incredulity, curiosity; from whence proceeded original sin, and that general corruption of mankind, as from a fountain, flowed all bad inclinations and actual transgressions which cause our several calamities inflicted upon us for our sins.  And this belike is that which our fabulous poets have shadowed unto us in the tale of [833] Pandora’s box, which being opened through her curiosity, filled the world full of all manner of diseases.  It is not curiosity alone, but those other crying sins of ours, which pull these several plagues and miseries upon our heads.  For Ubi peccatum, ibi procella, as [834]Chrysostom well observes. [835]"Fools by reason of their transgression, and because of their iniquities, are afflicted.” [836]"Fear cometh like sudden desolation, and destruction like a whirlwind, affliction and anguish,” because they did not fear God. [837]"Are you shaken with wars?” as Cyprian well urgeth to Demetrius, “are you molested with dearth and famine? is your health crushed with raging diseases? is mankind generally tormented with epidemical maladies? ’tis all for your sins,” Hag. i. 9, 10; Amos i.; Jer. vii.  God is angry, punisheth and threateneth, because of their obstinacy and stubbornness, they will not turn unto him. [838]"If the earth be barren then for want of rain, if dry and squalid, it yield no fruit, if your fountains be dried up, your wine, corn, and oil blasted, if the air be corrupted, and men troubled with diseases, ’tis by reason of their sins:”  which like the blood of Abel cry loud to heaven for vengeance, Lam. v. 15.  “That we have sinned, therefore our hearts are heavy,” Isa. lix. 11, 12.  “We roar like bears, and mourn like doves, and want health, &c. for our sins and trespasses.”  But this we cannot endure to hear or to take notice of, Jer.

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To punish therefore this blindness and obstinacy of ours as a concomitant cause and principal agent, is God’s just judgment in bringing these calamities upon us, to chastise us, I say, for our sins, and to satisfy God’s wrath.  For the law requires obedience or punishment, as you may read at large, Deut. xxviii. 15.  “If they will not obey the Lord, and keep his commandments and ordinances, then all these curses shall come upon them.” [841]"Cursed in the town and in the field,” &c. [842]"Cursed in the fruit of the body,” &c. [843]"The Lord shall send thee trouble and shame, because of thy wickedness.”  And a little after, [844]"The Lord shall smite thee with the botch of Egypt, and with emerods, and scab, and itch, and thou canst not be healed; [845]with madness, blindness, and astonishing of heart.”  This Paul seconds, Rom. ii. 9.  “Tribulation and anguish on the soul of every man that doeth evil.”  Or else these chastisements are inflicted upon us for our humiliation, to exercise and try our patience here in this life to bring us home, to make us to know God ourselves, to inform and teach us wisdom. [846]"Therefore is my people gone into captivity, because they had no knowledge; therefore is the wrath of the Lord kindled against his people, and he hath stretched out his hand upon them.”  He is desirous of our salvation. [847]_Nostrae salutis avidus_, saith Lemnius, and for that cause pulls us by the ear many times, to put us in mind of our duties:  “That they which erred might have understanding, (as Isaiah speaks xxix. 24) and so to be reformed.” [848]"I am afflicted, and at the point of death,” so David confesseth of himself, Psal. lxxxviii. v. 15, v. 9.  “Mine eyes are sorrowful through mine affliction:”  and that made him turn unto God.  Great Alexander in the midst of all his prosperity, by a company of parasites deified, and now made a god, when he saw one of his wounds bleed, remembered that he was but a man, and remitted of his pride. In morbo recolligit se animus,[849] as [850]Pliny well perceived; “In sickness the mind reflects upon itself, with judgment surveys itself, and abhors its former courses;” insomuch that he concludes to his friend Marius,[851] “that it were the period of all philosophy, if we could so continue sound, or perform but a part of that which we promised to do, being sick.  Whoso is wise then, will consider these things,” as David did (Psal. cxliv., verse last); and whatsoever fortune befall him, make use of it.  If he be in sorrow, need, sickness, or any other adversity, seriously to

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       “Gratia, forma, valetudo contingat abunde
        Et mundus victus, non deficiente crumena.”

       “And that he have grace, beauty, favour, health,
        A cleanly diet, and abound in wealth.”

Yet in the midst of his prosperity, let him remember that caveat of Moses, [855]"Beware that he do not forget the Lord his God;” that he be not puffed up, but acknowledge them to be his good gifts and benefits, and [856]"the more he hath, to be more thankful,” (as Agapetianus adviseth) and use them aright.

Instrumental Causes of our Infirmities.] Now the instrumental causes of these our infirmities, are as diverse as the infirmities themselves; stars, heavens, elements, &c.  And all those creatures which God hath made, are armed against sinners.  They were indeed once good in themselves, and that they are now many of them pernicious unto us, is not in their nature, but our corruption, which hath caused it.  For from the fall of our first parent Adam, they have been changed, the earth accursed, the influence of stars, altered, the four elements, beasts, birds, plants, are now ready to offend us.  “The principal things for the use of man, are water, fire, iron, salt, meal, wheat, honey, milk, oil, wine, clothing, good to the godly, to the sinners turned to evil,” Ecclus. xxxix. 26.  “Fire, and hail, and famine, and dearth, all these are created for vengeance,” Ecclus. xxxix. 29.  The heavens threaten us with their comets, stars, planets, with their great conjunctions, eclipses, oppositions, quartiles, and such unfriendly aspects.  The air with his meteors, thunder and lightning, intemperate heat and cold, mighty winds, tempests, unseasonable weather; from which proceed dearth, famine, plague, and all sorts of epidemical diseases, consuming infinite myriads of men.  At Cairo in Egypt, every third year, (as it is related by [857]Boterus, and others) 300,000 die of the plague; and 200,000, in Constantinople, every fifth or seventh at the utmost.  How doth the earth terrify and oppress us with terrible earthquakes, which are most frequent in [858]China, Japan, and those eastern climes, swallowing up sometimes six cities at once?  How doth the water rage with his inundations, irruptions, flinging down towns, cities, villages, bridges, &c. besides shipwrecks; whole islands are sometimes suddenly overwhelmed with all their inhabitants in [859]Zealand, Holland, and many parts of the continent drowned,

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[863] “Ignis pepercit, unda mergit, aeris
        Vis pestilentis aequori ereptum necat,
        Bello superstes, tabidus morbo perit.”

       “Whom fire spares, sea doth drown; whom sea,
        Pestilent air doth send to clay;
        Whom war ’scapes, sickness takes away.”

To descend to more particulars, how many creatures are at deadly feud with men?  Lions, wolves, bears, &c.  Some with hoofs, horns, tusks, teeth, nails:  How many noxious serpents and venomous creatures, ready to offend us with stings, breath, sight, or quite kill us?  How many pernicious fishes, plants, gums, fruits, seeds, flowers, &c. could I reckon up on a sudden, which by their very smell many of them, touch, taste, cause some grievous malady, if not death itself?  Some make mention of a thousand several poisons:  but these are but trifles in respect.  The greatest enemy to man, is man, who by the devil’s instigation is still ready to do mischief, his own executioner, a wolf, a devil to himself, and others. [864]We are all brethren in Christ, or at least should be, members of one body, servants of one lord, and yet no fiend can so torment, insult over, tyrannise, vex, as one man doth another.  Let me not fall therefore (saith David, when wars, plague, famine were offered) into the hands of men, merciless and wicked men: 

[865]   ------“Vix sunt homines hoc nomine digni,
Quamque lupi, saevae plus feritatis habent.”

We can most part foresee these epidemical diseases, and likely avoid them; Dearths, tempests, plagues, our astrologers foretell us; Earthquakes, inundations, ruins of houses, consuming fires, come by little and little, or make some noise beforehand; but the knaveries, impostures, injuries and villainies of men no art can avoid.  We can keep our professed enemies from our cities, by gates, walls and towers, defend ourselves from thieves and robbers by watchfulness and weapons; but this malice of men, and their pernicious endeavours, no caution can divert, no vigilancy foresee, we have so many secret plots and devices to mischief one another.

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Sometimes by the devil’s help as magicians, [866]witches:  sometimes by impostures, mixtures, poisons, stratagems, single combats, wars, we hack and hew, as if we were ad internecionem nati, like Cadmus’ soldiers born to consume one another.  ’Tis an ordinary thing to read of a hundred and two hundred thousand men slain in a battle.  Besides all manner of tortures, brazen bulls, racks, wheels, strappadoes, guns, engines, &c. [867]_Ad unum corpus humanum supplicia plura, quam membra_:  We have invented more torturing instruments, than there be several members in a man’s body, as Cyprian well observes.  To come nearer yet, our own parents by their offences, indiscretion and intemperance, are our mortal enemies. [868]"The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children’s teeth are set on edge.”  They cause our grief many times, and put upon us hereditary diseases, inevitable infirmities:  they torment us, and we are ready to injure our posterity;

[869]   ------“mox daturi progeniem vitiosiorem.”

       “And yet with crimes to us unknown,
        Our sons shall mark the coming age their own;”

and the latter end of the world, as [870]Paul foretold, is still like to be the worst.  We are thus bad by nature, bad by kind, but far worse by art, every man the greatest enemy unto himself.  We study many times to undo ourselves, abusing those good gifts which God hath bestowed upon us, health, wealth, strength, wit, learning, art, memory to our own destruction, [871]_Perditio tua ex te_.  As [872]Judas Maccabeus killed Apollonius with his own weapons, we arm ourselves to our own overthrows; and use reason, art, judgment, all that should help us, as so many instruments to undo us.  Hector gave Ajax a sword, which so long as he fought against enemies, served for his help and defence; but after he began to hurt harmless creatures with it, turned to his own hurtless bowels.  Those excellent means God hath bestowed on us, well employed, cannot but much avail us; but if otherwise perverted, they ruin and confound us:  and so by reason of our indiscretion and weakness they commonly do, we have too many instances.  This St. Austin acknowledgeth of himself in his humble confessions, “promptness of wit, memory, eloquence, they were God’s good gifts, but he did not use them to his glory.”  If you will particularly know how, and by what means, consult physicians, and they will tell you, that it is in offending in some of those six non-natural things, of which I shall [873]dilate more at large; they are the causes of our infirmities, our surfeiting, and drunkenness, our immoderate insatiable lust, and prodigious riot. Plures crapula, quam gladius, is a true saying, the board consumes more than the sword.  Our intemperance it is, that pulls so many several incurable diseases upon our heads, that hastens [874]old age, perverts our temperature, and brings upon us sudden death.  And last of all, that which crucifies us most, is our own folly, madness (quos Jupiter

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SUBSECT.  II.—­The Definition, Number, Division of Diseases.

What a disease is, almost every physician defines. [877]Fernelius calleth it an “affection of the body contrary to nature.” [878]Fuschius and Crato, “an hindrance, hurt, or alteration of any action of the body, or part of it.” [879]Tholosanus, “a dissolution of that league which is between body and soul, and a perturbation of it; as health the perfection, and makes to the preservation of it.” [880]Labeo in Agellius, “an ill habit of the body, opposite to nature, hindering the use of it.”  Others otherwise, all to this effect.

Number of Diseases.] How many diseases there are, is a question not yet determined; [881]Pliny reckons up 300 from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot:  elsewhere he saith, morborum infinita multitudo, their number is infinite.  Howsoever it was in those times, it boots not; in our days I am sure the number is much augmented: 

[882]   ------“macies, et nova febrium
Terris incubit cohors.”

For besides many epidemical diseases unheard of, and altogether unknown to Galen and Hippocrates, as scorbutum, small-pox, plica, sweating sickness, morbus Gallicus, &c., we have many proper and peculiar almost to every part.

No man free from some Disease or other.] No man amongst us so sound, of so good a constitution, that hath not some impediment of body or mind. Quisque suos patimur manes, we have all our infirmities, first or last, more or less.  There will be peradventure in an age, or one of a thousand, like Zenophilus the musician in [883]Pliny, that may happily live 105 years without any manner of impediment; a Pollio Romulus, that can preserve himself [884]"with wine and oil;” a man as fortunate as Q. Metellus, of whom Valerius so much brags; a man as healthy as Otto Herwardus, a senator of Augsburg in Germany, whom [885]Leovitius

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       “[Greek:  pleiae men gar gaia kakon, pleiae de thalassa,
        nousoid’ anthropoi ein eph’ haemerae, aed’ epi nukti
        Hautomatoi phoitosi.]”------

       “Th’ earth’s full of maladies, and full the sea,
        Which set upon us both by night and day.”

Division of Diseases.] If you require a more exact division of these ordinary diseases which are incident to men, I refer you to physicians; [889]they will tell you of acute and chronic, first and secondary, lethals, salutares, errant, fixed, simple, compound, connexed, or consequent, belonging to parts or the whole, in habit, or in disposition, &c.  My division at this time (as most befitting my purpose) shall be into those of the body and mind.  For them of the body, a brief catalogue of which Fuschius hath made, Institut. lib. 3, sect. 1, cap. 11. I refer you to the voluminous tomes of Galen, Areteus, Rhasis, Avicenna, Alexander, Paulus Aetius, Gordonerius:  and those exact Neoterics, Savanarola, Capivaccius, Donatus Altomarus, Hercules de Saxonia, Mercurialis, Victorius Faventinus, Wecker, Piso, &c., that have methodically and elaborately written of them all.  Those of the mind and head I will briefly handle, and apart.

SUBSECT.  III.—­Division of the Diseases of the Head.

These diseases of the mind, forasmuch as they have their chief seat and organs in the head, which are commonly repeated amongst the diseases of the head which are divers, and vary much according to their site.  For in the head, as there be several parts, so there be divers grievances, which according to that division of [890]Heurnius, (which he takes out of Arculanus,) are inward or outward (to omit all others which pertain to eyes and ears, nostrils, gums, teeth, mouth, palate, tongue, weezle, chops, face, &c.) belonging properly to the brain, as baldness, falling of hair, furfur, lice, &c. [891]Inward belonging to the skins next to the brain, called dura and pia mater, as all headaches, &c., or to the ventricles, caules, kells, tunicles, creeks, and parts of it, and their passions, as caro, vertigo, incubus, apoplexy, falling sickness.  The diseases of the nerves, cramps, stupor, convulsion, tremor, palsy:  or belonging to the excrements of the brain, catarrhs, sneezing, rheums, distillations: 

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Dotage, Frenzy, Madness, Hydrophobia, Lycanthropia, Chorus sancti Viti, Extasis.

Delirium, Dotage.] Dotage, fatuity, or folly, is a common name to all the following species, as some will have it. [894]Laurentius and [895] Altomarus comprehended madness, melancholy, and the rest under this name, and call it the summum genus of them all.  If it be distinguished from them, it is natural or ingenite, which comes by some defect of the organs, and overmuch brain, as we see in our common fools; and is for the most part intended or remitted in particular men, and thereupon some are wiser than others:  or else it is acquisite, an appendix or symptom of some other disease, which comes or goes; or if it continue, a sign of melancholy itself.

Frenzy.] Phrenitis, which the Greeks derive from the word [Greek:  phraen], is a disease of the mind, with a continual madness or dotage, which hath an acute fever annexed, or else an inflammation of the brain, or the membranes or kells of it, with an acute fever, which causeth madness and dotage.  It differs from melancholy and madness, because their dotage is without an ague:  this continual, with waking, or memory decayed, &c.  Melancholy is most part silent, this clamorous; and many such like differences are assigned by physicians.

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Madness.] Madness, frenzy, and melancholy are confounded by Celsus, and many writers; others leave out frenzy, and make madness and melancholy but one disease, which [896]Jason Pratensis especially labours, and that they differ only secundam majus or minus, in quantity alone, the one being a degree to the other, and both proceeding from one cause.  They differ intenso et remisso gradu, saith [897]Gordonius, as the humour is intended or remitted.  Of the same mind is [898]Areteus, Alexander Tertullianus, Guianerius, Savanarola, Heurnius; and Galen himself writes promiscuously of them both by reason of their affinity:  but most of our neoterics do handle them apart, whom I will follow in this treatise.  Madness is therefore defined to be a vehement dotage; or raving without a fever, far more violent than melancholy, full of anger and clamour, horrible looks, actions, gestures, troubling the patients with far greater vehemency both of body and mind, without all fear and sorrow, with such impetuous force and boldness, that sometimes three or four men cannot hold them.  Differing only in this from frenzy, that it is without a fever, and their memory is most part better.  It hath the same causes as the other, as choler adust, and blood incensed, brains inflamed, &c. [899]Fracastorius adds, “a due time, and full age” to this definition, to distinguish it from children, and will have it confirmed impotency, to separate it from such as accidentally come and go again, as by taking henbane, nightshade, wine, &c.  Of this fury there be divers kinds; [900]ecstasy, which is familiar with some persons, as Cardan saith of himself, he could be in one when he list; in which the Indian priests deliver their oracles, and the witches in Lapland, as Olaus Magnus writeth, l. 3, cap. 18. Extasi omnia praedicere, answer all questions in an ecstasis you will ask; what your friends do, where they are, how they fare, &c.  The other species of this fury are enthusiasms, revelations, and visions, so often mentioned by Gregory and Bede in their works; obsession or possession of devils, sibylline prophets, and poetical furies; such as come by eating noxious herbs, tarantulas stinging, &c., which some reduce to this.  The most known are these, lycanthropia, hydrophobia, chorus sancti Viti.

Lycanthropia.] Lycanthropia, which Avicenna calls cucubuth, others lupinam insaniam, or wolf-madness, when men run howling about graves and fields in the night, and will not be persuaded but that they are wolves, or some such beasts. [901]Aetius and [902]Paulus call it a kind of melancholy; but I should rather refer it to madness, as most do.  Some make a doubt of it whether there be any such disease. [903]Donat ab Altomari saith, that he saw two of them in his time:  [904]Wierus tells a story of such a one at Padua 1541, that would not believe to the contrary, but that he was a wolf.  He hath another instance of a Spaniard, who thought himself

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Hydrophobia is a kind of madness, well known in every village, which comes by the biting of a mad dog, or scratching, saith [912]Aurelianus; touching, or smelling alone sometimes as [913]Sckenkius proves, and is incident to many other creatures as well as men:  so called because the parties affected cannot endure the sight of water, or any liquor, supposing still they see a mad dog in it.  And which is more wonderful; though they be very dry, (as in this malady they are) they will rather die than drink:  [914]de Venenis Caelius Aurelianus, an ancient writer, makes a doubt whether this Hydrophobia be a passion of the body or the mind.  The part affected is the brain:  the cause, poison that comes from the mad dog, which is so hot and dry, that it consumes all the moisture in the body. [915] Hildesheim relates of some that died so mad; and being cut up, had no water, scarce blood, or any moisture left in them.  To such as are so affected, the fear of water begins at fourteen days after they are bitten, to some again not till forty or sixty days after:  commonly saith Heurnius, they begin to rave, fly water and glasses, to look red, and swell in the face, about twenty days after (if some remedy be not taken in the meantime) to lie awake, to be pensive, sad, to see strange visions, to bark and howl, to fall into a swoon, and oftentimes

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Chorus sancti Viti, or St. Vitus’s dance; the lascivious dance, [919] Paracelsus calls it, because they that are taken from it, can do nothing but dance till they be dead, or cured.  It is so called, for that the parties so troubled were wont to go to St. Vitus for help, and after they had danced there awhile, they were [920]certainly freed.  ’Tis strange to hear how long they will dance, and in what manner, over stools, forms, tables; even great bellied women sometimes (and yet never hurt their children) will dance so long that they can stir neither hand nor foot, but seem to be quite dead.  One in red clothes they cannot abide.  Music above all things they love, and therefore magistrates in Germany will hire musicians to play to them, and some lusty sturdy companions to dance with them.  This disease hath been very common in Germany, as appears by those relations of [921]Sckenkius, and Paracelsus in his book of Madness, who brags how many several persons he hath cured of it.  Felix Plateras de mentis alienat. cap. 3, reports of a woman in Basil whom he saw, that danced a whole month together.  The Arabians call it a kind of palsy.  Bodine in his 5th book de Repub. cap. 1, speaks of this infirmity; Monavius in his last epistle to Scoltizius, and in another to Dudithus, where you may read more of it.

The last kind of madness or melancholy, is that demoniacal (if I may so call it) obsession or possession of devils, which Platerus and others would have to be preternatural:  stupend things are said of them, their actions, gestures, contortions, fasting, prophesying, speaking languages they were never taught, &c.  Many strange stories are related of them, which because some will not allow, (for Deacon and Darrel have written large volumes on this subject pro and con.) I voluntarily omit.

[922]Fuschius, Institut. lib. 3. sec. 1. cap. 11, Felix Plater, [923]Laurentius, add to these another fury that proceeds from love, and another from study, another divine or religious fury; but these more properly belong to melancholy; of all which I will speak [924]apart, intending to write a whole book of them.

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SUBSECT.  V.—­Melancholy in Disposition, improperly so called, Equivocations.

Melancholy, the subject of our present discourse, is either in disposition or habit.  In disposition, is that transitory melancholy which goes and comes upon every small occasion of sorrow, need, sickness, trouble, fear, grief, passion, or perturbation of the mind, any manner of care, discontent, or thought, which causeth anguish, dullness, heaviness and vexation of spirit, any ways opposite to pleasure, mirth, joy, delight, causing frowardness in us, or a dislike.  In which equivocal and improper sense, we call him melancholy that is dull, sad, sour, lumpish, ill disposed, solitary, any way moved, or displeased.  And from these melancholy dispositions, [925]no man living is free, no stoic, none so wise, none so happy, none so patient, so generous, so godly, so divine, that can vindicate himself; so well composed, but more or less, some time or other he feels the smart of it.  Melancholy in this sense is the character of mortality. [926]"Man that is born of a woman, is of short continuance, and full of trouble.”  Zeno, Cato, Socrates himself, whom [927]Aelian so highly commends for a moderate temper, that “nothing could disturb him, but going out, and coming in, still Socrates kept the same serenity of countenance, what misery soever befell him,” (if we may believe Plato his disciple) was much tormented with it.  Q. Metellus, in whom [928]Valerius gives instance of all happiness, “the most fortunate man then living, born in that most flourishing city of Rome, of noble parentage, a proper man of person, well qualified, healthful, rich, honourable, a senator, a consul, happy in his wife, happy in his children,” &c. yet this man was not void of melancholy, he had his share of sorrow. [929]Polycrates Samius, that flung his ring into the sea, because he would participate of discontent with others, and had it miraculously restored to him again shortly after, by a fish taken as he angled, was not free from melancholy dispositions.  No man can cure himself; the very gods had bitter pangs, and frequent passions, as their own [930]poets put upon them.  In general, [931]"as the heaven, so is our life, sometimes fair, sometimes overcast, tempestuous, and serene; as in a rose, flowers and prickles; in the year itself, a temperate summer sometimes, a hard winter, a drought, and then again pleasant showers:  so is our life intermixed with joys, hopes, fears, sorrows, calumnies:  Invicem cedunt dolor et voluptas,” there is a succession of pleasure and pain.

[932]   ------“medio de fonte leporum
Surgit amari aliquid, in ipsis floribus angat.”

“Even in the midst of laughing there is sorrow,” (as [933]Solomon holds):  even in the midst of all our feasting and jollity, as [934]Austin infers in his Com. on the 41st Psalm, there is grief and discontent. Inter delicias semper aliquid saevi nos strangulat, for a pint of honey thou shalt

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SECT.  I. MEMB.  II.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Digression of Anatomy.

Before I proceed to define the disease of melancholy, what it is, or to discourse farther of it, I hold it not impertinent to make a brief digression of the anatomy of the body and faculties of the soul, for the better understanding of that which is to follow; because many hard words will often occur, as mirach, hypocondries, emerods, &c., imagination, reason, humours, spirits, vital, natural, animal, nerves, veins, arteries, chylus, pituita; which by the vulgar will not so easily be perceived, what they are, how cited, and to what end they serve.  And besides, it may peradventure give occasion to some men to examine more accurately, search further into this most excellent subject, and thereupon with that royal [944]prophet to praise God, ("for a man is fearfully and wonderfully made, and curiously wrought”) that have time and leisure enough, and are sufficiently informed in all other worldly businesses, as to make a good bargain, buy and sell, to keep and make choice of a fair hawk, hound, horse, &c.  But for such matters as concern the knowledge of themselves, they are wholly ignorant and careless; they know not what this body and soul are, how combined, of what parts and faculties they consist, or how a man differs from a dog.  And what can be more ignominious and filthy (as [945]Melancthon well inveighs) “than for a man not to know the structure and composition of his own body, especially since the knowledge of it tends so much to the preservation, of his health, and information of his manners?” To stir them up therefore to this study, to peruse those elaborate works of [946]Galen, Bauhines, Plater, Vesalius, Falopius, Laurentius, Remelinus, &c., which

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SUBSECT.  II.—­Division of the Body, Humours, Spirits.

Of the parts of the body there may be many divisions:  the most approved is that of [953]Laurentius, out of Hippocrates:  which is, into parts contained, or containing.  Contained, are either humours or spirits.

Humours.] A humour is a liquid or fluent part of the body, comprehended in it, for the preservation of it; and is either innate or born with us, or adventitious and acquisite.  The radical or innate, is daily supplied by nourishment, which some call cambium, and make those secondary humours of ros and gluten to maintain it:  or acquisite, to maintain these four first primary humours, coming and proceeding from the first concoction in the liver, by which means chylus is excluded.  Some divide them into profitable and excrementitious.  But [954]Crato out of Hippocrates will have all four to be juice, and not excrements, without which no living creature can be sustained:  which four, though they be comprehended in the mass of blood, yet they have their several affections, by which they are distinguished from one another, and from those adventitious, peccant, or [955]diseased humours, as Melancthon calls them.

Blood.] Blood is a hot, sweet, temperate, red humour, prepared in the mesaraic veins, and made of the most temperate parts of the chylus in the liver, whose office is to nourish the whole body, to give it strength and colour, being dispersed by the veins through every part of it.  And from it spirits are first begotten in the heart, which afterwards by the arteries are communicated to the other parts.

Pituita, or phlegm, is a cold and moist humour, begotten of the colder part of the chylus (or white juice coming out of the meat digested in the stomach,) in the liver; his office is to nourish and moisten the members of the body, which as the tongue are moved, that they be not over dry.

Choler, is hot and dry, bitter, begotten of the hotter parts of the chylus, and gathered to the gall:  it helps the natural heat and senses, and serves to the expelling of excrements.

Melancholy.] Melancholy, cold and dry, thick, black, and sour, begotten of the more feculent part of nourishment, and purged from the spleen, is a bridle to the other two hot humours, blood and choler, preserving them in the blood, and nourishing the bones.  These four humours have some analogy with the four elements, and to the four ages in man.

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Serum, Sweat, Tears.] To these humours you may add serum, which is the matter of urine, and those excrementitious humours of the third concoction, sweat and tears.

Spirits.] Spirit is a most subtle vapour, which is expressed from the blood, and the instrument of the soul, to perform all his actions; a common tie or medium between the body and the soul, as some will have it; or as [956]Paracelsus, a fourth soul of itself.  Melancthon holds the fountain of those spirits to be the heart, begotten there; and afterward conveyed to the brain, they take another nature to them.  Of these spirits there be three kinds, according to the three principal parts, brain, heart, liver; natural, vital, animal.  The natural are begotten in the liver, and thence dispersed through the veins, to perform those natural actions.  The vital spirits are made in the heart of the natural, which by the arteries are transported to all the other parts:  if the spirits cease, then life ceaseth, as in a syncope or swooning.  The animal spirits formed of the vital, brought up to the brain, and diffused by the nerves, to the subordinate members, give sense and motion to them all.

SUBSECT.  III.—­Similar Parts.

Similar Parts] Containing parts, by reason of their more solid substance, are either homogeneal or heterogeneal, similar or dissimilar; so Aristotle divides them, lib. 1, cap. 1, de Hist.  Animal.; Laurentius, cap. 20, lib. 1. Similar, or homogeneal, are such as, if they be divided, are still severed into parts of the same nature, as water into water.  Of these some be spermatical, some fleshy or carnal. [957]Spermatical are such as are immediately begotten of the seed, which are bones, gristles, ligaments, membranes, nerves, arteries, veins, skins, fibres or strings, fat.

Bones.] The bones are dry and hard, begotten of the thickest of the seed, to strengthen and sustain other parts:  some say there be 304, some 307, or 313 in man’s body.  They have no nerves in them, and are therefore without sense.

A gristle is a substance softer than bone, and harder than the rest, flexible, and serves to maintain the parts of motion.

Ligaments are they that tie the bones together, and other parts to the bones, with their subserving tendons:  membranes’ office is to cover the rest.

Nerves, or sinews, are membranes without, and full of marrow within; they proceed from the brain, and carry the animal spirits for sense and motion.  Of these some be harder, some softer; the softer serve the senses, and there be seven pair of them.  The first be the optic nerves, by which we see; the second move the eyes; the third pair serve for the tongue to taste; the fourth pair for the taste in the palate; the fifth belong to the ears; the sixth pair is most ample, and runs almost over all the bowels; the seventh pair moves the tongue.  The harder sinews serve for the motion of the inner parts, proceeding from the marrow in the back, of whom there be thirty combinations, seven of the neck, twelve of the breast, &c.

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Arteries.] Arteries are long and hollow, with a double skin to convey the vital spirit; to discern which the better, they say that Vesalius the anatomist was wont to cut up men alive. [958]They arise in the left side of the heart, and are principally two, from which the rest are derived, aorta and venosa:  aorta is the root of all the other, which serve the whole body; the other goes to the lungs, to fetch air to refrigerate the heart.

Veins.] Veins are hollow and round, like pipes, arising from the liver, carrying blood and natural spirits; they feed all the parts.  Of these there be two chief, Vena porta and Vena cava, from which the rest are corrivated.  That Vena porta is a vein coming from the concave of the liver, and receiving those mesaraical veins, by whom he takes the chylus from the stomach and guts, and conveys it to the liver.  The other derives blood from the liver to nourish all the other dispersed members.  The branches of that Vena porta are the mesaraical and haemorrhoids.  The branches of the cava are inward or outward.  Inward, seminal or emulgent.  Outward, in the head, arms, feet, &c., and have several names.

Fibrae, Fat, Flesh.] Fibrae are strings, white and solid, dispersed through the whole member, and right, oblique, transverse, all which have their several uses.  Fat is a similar part, moist, without blood, composed of the most thick and unctuous matter of the blood.  The [959]skin covers the rest, and hath cuticulum, or a little skin tinder it.  Flesh is soft and ruddy, composed of the congealing of blood, &c.

SUBSECT.  IV.—­Dissimilar Parts.

Dissimilar parts are those which we call organical, or instrumental, and they be inward or outward.  The chiefest outward parts are situate forward or backward:—­forward, the crown and foretop of the head, skull, face, forehead, temples, chin, eyes, ears, nose, &c., neck, breast, chest, upper and lower part of the belly, hypocondries, navel, groin, flank, &c.; backward, the hinder part of the head, back, shoulders, sides, loins, hipbones, os sacrum, buttocks, &c.  Or joints, arms, hands, feet, legs, thighs, knees, &c.  Or common to both, which, because they are obvious and well known, I have carelessly repeated, eaque praecipua et grandiora tantum; quod reliquum ex libris de anima qui volet, accipiat.

Inward organical parts, which cannot be seen, are divers in number, and have several names, functions, and divisions; but that of [960]Laurentius is most notable, into noble or ignoble parts.  Of the noble there be three principal parts, to which all the rest belong, and whom they serve—­brain, heart, liver; according to whose site, three regions, or a threefold division, is made of the whole body.  As first of the head, in which the animal organs are contained, and brain itself, which by his nerves give sense and motion to the rest, and is, as it were, a

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De Anima.—­The Lower Region, Natural Organs.] But you that are readers in the meantime, “Suppose you were now brought into some sacred temple, or majestical palace” (as [962]Melancthon saith), “to behold not the matter only, but the singular art, workmanship, and counsel of this our great Creator.  And it is a pleasant and profitable speculation, if it be considered aright.”  The parts of this region, which present themselves to your consideration and view, are such as serve to nutrition or generation.  Those of nutrition serve to the first or second concoction; as the oesophagus or gullet, which brings meat and drink into the stomach.  The ventricle or stomach, which is seated in the midst of that part of the belly beneath the midriff, the kitchen, as it were, of the first concoction, and which turns our meat into chylus.  It hath two mouths, one above, another beneath.  The upper is sometimes taken for the stomach itself; the lower and nether door (as Wecker calls it) is named Pylorus.  This stomach is sustained by a large kell or caul, called omentum; which some will have the same with peritoneum, or rim of the belly.  From the stomach to the very fundament are produced the guts, or intestina, which serve a little to alter and distribute the chylus, and convey away the excrements.  They are divided into small and great, by reason of their site and substance, slender or thicker:  the slender is duodenum, or whole gut, which is next to the stomach, some twelve inches long, saith [963] Fuschius.  Jejunum, or empty gut, continuate to the other, which hath many mesaraic veins annexed to it, which take part of the chylus to the liver from it.  Ilion the third, which consists of many crinkles, which serves with the rest to receive, keep, and distribute the

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Members of generation are common to both sexes, or peculiar to one; which, because they are impertinent to my purpose, I do voluntarily omit.

Middle Region.] Next in order is the middle region, or chest, which comprehends the vital faculties and parts; which (as I have said) is separated from the lower belly by the diaphragma or midriff, which is a skin consisting of many nerves, membranes; and amongst other uses it hath, is the instrument of laughing.  There is also a certain thin membrane, full of sinews, which covereth the whole chest within, and is called pleura, the seat of the disease called pleurisy, when it is inflamed; some add a third skin, which is termed mediastinus, which divides the chest into two parts, right and left; of this region the principal part is the heart, which is the seat and fountain of life, of heat, of spirits, of pulse and respiration—­the sun of our body, the king and sole commander of it—­the seat and organ of all passions and affections. Primum

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In the upper region serving the animal faculties, the chief organ is the brain, which is a soft, marrowish, and white substance, engendered of the purest part of seed and spirits, included by many skins, and seated within the skull or brain pan; and it is the most noble organ under heaven, the dwelling-house and seat of the soul, the habitation of wisdom, memory, judgment, reason, and in which man is most like unto God; and therefore nature hath covered it with a skull of hard bone, and two skins or membranes, whereof the one is called dura mater, or meninx, the other pia mater.  The dura mater is next to the skull, above the other, which includes and protects the brain.  When this is taken away, the pia mater is to be seen, a thin membrane, the next and immediate cover of the brain, and not covering only, but entering into it.  The brain itself is divided into two parts, the fore and hinder part; the fore part is much bigger than the other, which is called the little

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SUBSECT.  V.—­Of the Soul and her Faculties.

According to [967]Aristotle, the soul is defined to be [Greek:  entelecheia], perfectio et actus primus corporis organici, vitam habentis in potentia:  the perfection or first act of an organical body, having power of life, which most [968]philosophers approve.  But many doubts arise about the essence, subject, seat, distinction, and subordinate faculties of it.  For the essence and particular knowledge, of all other things it is most hard (be it of man or beast) to discern, as [969]Aristotle himself, [970]Tully, [971]Picus Mirandula, [972]Tolet, and other neoteric philosophers confess:—­[973]"We can understand all things by her, but what she is we cannot apprehend.”  Some therefore make one soul, divided into three principal faculties; others, three distinct souls.  Which question of late hath been much controverted by Picolomineus and Zabarel. [974] Paracelsus will have four souls, adding to the three grand faculties a spiritual soul:  which opinion of his, Campanella, in his book de sensu rerum [975]much labours to demonstrate and prove, because carcasses bleed at the sight of the murderer; with many such arguments And [976]some again, one soul of all creatures whatsoever, differing only in organs; and that beasts have reason as well as men, though, for some defect of organs, not in such measure.  Others make a doubt whether it be all in all, and all in every part; which is amply discussed in Zabarel amongst the rest.  The [977]common division of the soul is into three principal faculties—­vegetal, sensitive, and rational, which make three distinct kinds of living creatures—­vegetal plants, sensible beasts, rational men.  How these three principal faculties are distinguished and connected, Humano ingenio inaccessum videtur, is beyond human capacity, as [978] Taurellus, Philip, Flavins, and others suppose.  The inferior may be alone, but the superior cannot subsist without the other; so sensible includes vegetal, rational both; which are contained in it (saith Aristotle) ut trigonus in tetragono as a triangle in a quadrangle.

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Vegetal Soul.] Vegetal, the first of the three distinct faculties, is defined to be “a substantial act of an organical body, by which it is nourished, augmented, and begets another like unto itself.”  In which definition, three several operations are specified—­altrix, auctrix, procreatrix; the first is [979]nutrition, whose object is nourishment, meat, drink, and the like; his organ the liver in sensible creatures; in plants, the root or sap.  His office is to turn the nutriment into the substance of the body nourished, which he performs by natural heat.  This nutritive operation hath four other subordinate functions or powers belonging to it—­attraction, retention, digestion, expulsion.

Attraction.] [980]Attraction is a ministering faculty, which, as a loadstone doth iron, draws meat into the stomach, or as a lamp doth oil; and this attractive power is very necessary in plants, which suck up moisture by the root, as, another mouth, into the sap, as a like stomach.

Retention.] Retention keeps it, being attracted unto the stomach, until such time it be concocted; for if it should pass away straight, the body could not be nourished.

Digestion.] Digestion is performed by natural heat; for as the flame of a torch consumes oil, wax, tallow, so doth it alter and digest the nutritive matter.  Indigestion is opposite unto it, for want of natural heat.  Of this digestion there be three differences—­maturation, elixation, assation.

Maturation.] Maturation is especially observed in the fruits of trees; which are then said to be ripe, when the seeds are fit to be sown again.  Crudity is opposed to it, which gluttons, epicures, and idle persons are most subject unto, that use no exercise to stir natural heat, or else choke it, as too much wood puts out a fire.

Elixation.] Elixation is the seething of meat in the stomach, by the said natural heat, as meat is boiled in a pot; to which corruption or putrefaction is opposite.

Assation.] Assation is a concoction of the inward moisture by heat; his opposite is semiustulation.

Order of Concoction fourfold.] Besides these three several operations of digestion, there is a fourfold order of concoction:—­mastication, or chewing in the mouth; chilification of this so chewed meat in the stomach; the third is in the liver, to turn this chylus into blood, called sanguification; the last is assimilation, which is in every part.

Expulsion.] Expulsion is a power of nutrition, by which it expels all superfluous excrements, and relics of meat and drink, by the guts, bladder, pores; as by purging, vomiting, spitting, sweating, urine, hairs, nails, &c.

Augmentation.] As this nutritive faculty serves to nourish the body, so doth the augmenting faculty (the second operation or power of the vegetal faculty) to the increasing of it in quantity, according to all dimensions, long, broad, thick, and to make it grow till it come to his due proportion and perfect shape; which hath his period of augmentation, as of consumption; and that most certain, as the poet observes:—­

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“Stat sua cuique dies, breve et irreparabile tempus
Omnibus est vitae.”------

       “A term of life is set to every man,
        Which is but short, and pass it no one can.”

Generation.] The last of these vegetal faculties is generation, which begets another by means of seed, like unto itself, to the perpetual preservation of the species.  To this faculty they ascribe three subordinate operations:—­the first to turn nourishment into seed, &c.

Life and Death concomitants of the Vegetal Faculties.] Necessary concomitants or affections of this vegetal faculty are life and his privation, death.  To the preservation of life the natural heat is most requisite, though siccity and humidity, and those first qualities, be not excluded.  This heat is likewise in plants, as appears by their increasing, fructifying, &c., though not so easily perceived.  In all bodies it must have radical [981]moisture to preserve it, that it be not consumed; to which preservation our clime, country, temperature, and the good or bad use of those six non-natural things avail much.  For as this natural heat and moisture decays, so doth our life itself; and if not prevented before by some violent accident, or interrupted through our own default, is in the end dried up by old age, and extinguished by death for want of matter, as a lamp for defect of oil to maintain it.

SUBSECT.  VI.—­Of the sensible Soul.

Next in order is the sensible faculty, which is as far beyond the other in dignity, as a beast is preferred to a plant, having those vegetal powers included in it.  ’Tis defined an “Act of an organical body by which it lives, hath sense, appetite, judgment, breath, and motion.”  His object in general is a sensible or passible quality, because the sense is affected with it.  The general organ is the brain, from which principally the sensible operations are derived.  This sensible soul is divided into two parts, apprehending or moving.  By the apprehensive power we perceive the species of sensible things present, or absent, and retain them as wax doth the print of a seal.  By the moving, the body is outwardly carried from one place to another; or inwardly moved by spirits and pulse.  The apprehensive faculty is subdivided into two parts, inward or outward.  Outward, as the five senses, of touching, hearing, seeing, smelling, tasting, to which you may add Scaliger’s sixth sense of titillation, if you please; or that of speech, which is the sixth external sense, according to Lullius.  Inward are three—­common sense, phantasy, memory.  Those five outward senses have their object in outward things only, and such as are present, as the eye sees no colour except it be at hand, the ear sound.  Three of these senses are of commodity, hearing, sight, and smell; two of necessity, touch, and taste, without which we cannot live.  Besides, the sensitive power is active or passive.  Active in sight, the eye sees the colour; passive when it is hurt by his object, as the eye by the sunbeams.  According to that axiom, visibile forte destruit sensum. [982]Or if the object be not pleasing, as a bad sound to the ear, a stinking smell to the nose, &c.

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Sight.] Of these five senses, sight is held to be most precious, and the best, and that by reason of his object, it sees the whole body at once.  By it we learn, and discern all things, a sense most excellent for use:  to the sight three things are required; the object, the organ, and the medium.  The object in general is visible, or that which is to be seen, as colours, and all shining bodies.  The medium is the illumination of the air, which comes from [983]light, commonly called diaphanum; for in dark we cannot see.  The organ is the eye, and chiefly the apple of it, which by those optic nerves, concurring both in one, conveys the sight to the common sense.  Between the organ and object a true distance is required, that it be not too near, or too far off!  Many excellent questions appertain to this sense, discussed by philosophers:  as whether this sight be caused intra mittendo, vel extra mittendo, &c., by receiving in the visible species, or sending of them out, which [984]Plato, [985]Plutarch, [986]Macrobius, [987]Lactantius and others dispute.  And, besides, it is the subject of the perspectives, of which Alhazen the Arabian, Vitellio, Roger Bacon, Baptista Porta, Guidus Ubaldus, Aquilonius, &c., have written whole volumes.

Hearing.] Hearing, a most excellent outward sense, “by which we learn and get knowledge.”  His object is sound, or that which is heard; the medium, air; organ, the ear.  To the sound, which is a collision of the air, three things are required; a body to strike, as the hand of a musician; the body struck, which must be solid and able to resist; as a bell, lute-string, not wool, or sponge; the medium, the air; which is inward, or outward; the outward being struck or collided by a solid body, still strikes the next air, until it come to that inward natural air, which as an exquisite organ is contained in a little skin formed like a drum-head, and struck upon by certain small instruments like drum-sticks, conveys the sound by a pair of nerves, appropriated to that use, to the common sense, as to a judge of sounds.  There is great variety and much delight in them; for the knowledge of which, consult with Boethius and other musicians.

Smelling.] Smelling is an “outward sense, which apprehends by the nostrils drawing in air;” and of all the rest it is the weakest sense in men.  The organ in the nose, or two small hollow pieces of flesh a little above it:  the medium the air to men, as water to fish:  the object, smell, arising from a mixed body resolved, which, whether it be a quality, fume, vapour, or exhalation, I will not now dispute, or of their differences, and how they are caused.  This sense is an organ of health, as sight and hearing, saith [988]Agellius, are of discipline; and that by avoiding bad smells, as by choosing good, which do as much alter and affect the body many times, as diet itself.

Taste.] Taste, a necessary sense, “which perceives all savours by the tongue and palate, and that by means of a thin spittle, or watery juice.”  His organ is the tongue with his tasting nerves; the medium, a watery juice; the object, taste, or savour, which is a quality in the juice, arising from the mixture of things tasted.  Some make eight species or kinds of savour, bitter, sweet, sharp, salt, &c., all which sick men (as in an ague) cannot discern, by reason of their organs misaffected.

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Touching.] Touch, the last of the senses, and most ignoble, yet of as great necessity as the other, and of as much pleasure.  This sense is exquisite in men, and by his nerves dispersed all over the body, perceives any tactile quality.  His organ the nerves; his object those first qualities, hot, dry, moist, cold; and those that follow them, hard, soft, thick, thin, &c.  Many delightsome questions are moved by philosophers about these five senses; their organs, objects, mediums, which for brevity I omit.

SUBSECT.  VII.—­Of the Inward Senses.

Common Sense.] Inner senses are three in number, so called, because they be within the brainpan, as common sense, phantasy, memory.  Their objects are not only things present, but they perceive the sensible species of things to come, past, absent, such as were before in the sense.  This common sense is the judge or moderator of the rest, by whom we discern all differences of objects; for by mine eye I do not know that I see, or by mine ear that I hear, but by my common sense, who judgeth of sounds and colours:  they are but the organs to bring the species to be censured; so that all their objects are his, and all their offices are his.  The fore part of the brain is his organ or seat.

Phantasy.] Phantasy, or imagination, which some call estimative, or cogitative, (confirmed, saith [989]Fernelius, by frequent meditation,) is an inner sense which doth more fully examine the species perceived by common sense, of things present or absent, and keeps them longer, recalling them to mind again, or making new of his own.  In time of sleep this faculty is free, and many times conceive strange, stupend, absurd shapes, as in sick men we commonly observe.  His organ is the middle cell of the brain; his objects all the species communicated to him by the common sense, by comparison of which he feigns infinite other unto himself.  In melancholy men this faculty is most powerful and strong, and often hurts, producing many monstrous and prodigious things, especially if it be stirred up by some terrible object, presented to it from common sense or memory.  In poets and painters imagination forcibly works, as appears by their several fictions, antics, images:  as Ovid’s house of sleep, Psyche’s palace in Apuleius, &c.  In men it is subject and governed by reason, or at least should be; but in brutes it hath no superior, and is ratio brutorum, all the reason they have.

Memory.] Memory lays up all the species which the senses have brought in, and records them as a good register, that they may be forthcoming when they are called for by phantasy and reason.  His object is the same with phantasy, his seat and organ the back part of the brain.

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Affections of the Senses, sleep and waking.] The affections of these senses are sleep and waking, common to all sensible creatures.  “Sleep is a rest or binding of the outward senses, and of the common sense, for the preservation of body and soul” (as Scaliger [990]defines it); for when the common sense resteth, the outward senses rest also.  The phantasy alone is free, and his commander reason:  as appears by those imaginary dreams, which are of divers kinds, natural, divine, demoniacal, &c., which vary according to humours, diet, actions, objects, &c., of which Artemidorus, Cardanus, and Sambucus, with their several interpretators, have written great volumes.  This litigation of senses proceeds from an inhibition of spirits, the way being stopped by which they should come; this stopping is caused of vapours arising out of the stomach, filling the nerves, by which the spirits should be conveyed.  When these vapours are spent, the passage is open, and the spirits perform their accustomed duties:  so that “waking is the action and motion of the senses, which the spirits dispersed over all parts cause.”

SUBSECT.  VIII.—­Of the Moving Faculty.

Appetite] This moving faculty is the other power of the sensitive soul, which causeth all those inward and outward animal motions in the body.  It is divided into two faculties, the power of appetite, and of moving from place to place.  This of appetite is threefold, so some will have it; natural, as it signifies any such inclination, as of a stone to fall downward, and such actions as retention, expulsion, which depend not on sense, but are vegetal, as the appetite of meat and drink; hunger and thirst.  Sensitive is common to men and brutes.  Voluntary, the third, or intellective, which commands the other two in men, and is a curb unto them, or at least should be, but for the most part is captivated and overruled by them; and men are led like beasts by sense, giving reins to their concupiscence and several lusts.  For by this appetite the soul is led or inclined to follow that good which the senses shall approve, or avoid that which they hold evil:  his object being good or evil, the one he embraceth, the other he rejecteth; according to that aphorism, Omnia appetunt bonum, all things seek their own good, or at least seeming good.  This power is inseparable from sense, for where sense is, there are likewise pleasure and pain.  His organ is the same with the common sense, and is divided into two powers, or inclinations, concupiscible or irascible:  or (as one [991] translates it) coveting, anger invading, or impugning.  Concupiscible covets always pleasant and delightsome things, and abhors that which is distasteful, harsh, and unpleasant. Irascible, quasi [992] aversans per iram et odium, as avoiding it with anger and indignation.  All affections and perturbations arise out of these two fountains, which, although the stoics make light of, we hold natural, and not to be resisted.  The good

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Moving from place to place, is a faculty necessarily following the other.  For in vain were it otherwise to desire and to abhor, if we had not likewise power to prosecute or eschew, by moving the body from place to place:  by this faculty therefore we locally move the body, or any part of it, and go from one place to another.  To the better performance of which, three things are requisite:  that which moves; by what it moves; that which is moved.  That which moves, is either the efficient cause, or end.  The end is the object, which is desired or eschewed; as in a dog to catch a hare, &c.  The efficient cause in man is reason, or his subordinate phantasy, which apprehends good or bad objects:  in brutes imagination alone, which moves the appetite, the appetite this faculty, which by an admirable league of nature, and by meditation of the spirit, commands the organ by which it moves:  and that consists of nerves, muscles, cords, dispersed through the whole body, contracted and relaxed as the spirits will, which move the muscles, or [993]nerves in the midst of them, and draw the cord, and so per consequens the joint, to the place intended.  That which is moved, is the body or some member apt to move.  The motion of the body is divers, as going, running, leaping, dancing, sitting, and such like, referred to the predicament of situs.  Worms creep, birds fly, fishes swim; and so of parts, the chief of which is respiration or breathing, and is thus performed.  The outward air is drawn in by the vocal artery, and sent by mediation of the midriff to the lungs, which, dilating themselves as a pair of bellows, reciprocally fetch it in, and send it out to the heart to cool it; and from thence now being hot, convey it again, still taking in fresh.  Such a like motion is that of the pulse, of which, because many have written whole books, I will say nothing.

SUBSECT.  IX.—­Of the Rational Soul.

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In the precedent subsections I have anatomised those inferior faculties of the soul; the rational remaineth, “a pleasant, but a doubtful subject” (as [994]one terms it), and with the like brevity to be discussed.  Many erroneous opinions are about the essence and original of it; whether it be fire, as Zeno held; harmony, as Aristoxenus; number, as Xenocrates; whether it be organical, or inorganical; seated in the brain, heart or blood; mortal or immortal; how it comes into the body.  Some hold that it is ex traduce, as Phil. 1. de Anima, Tertullian, Lactantius de opific.  Dei, cap. 19. Hugo, lib. de Spiritu et Anima, Vincentius Bellavic. spec. natural. lib. 23. cap. 2. et 11. Hippocrates, Avicenna, and many [995] late writers; that one man begets another, body and soul; or as a candle from a candle, to be produced from the seed:  otherwise, say they, a man begets but half a man, and is worse than a beast that begets both matter and form; and, besides, the three faculties of the soul must be together infused, which is most absurd as they hold, because in beasts they are begot, the two inferior I mean, and may not be well separated in men. [996] Galen supposeth the soul crasin esse, to be the temperature itself; Trismegistus, Musaeus, Orpheus, Homer, Pindarus, Phaerecides Syrus, Epictetus, with the Chaldees and Egyptians, affirmed the soul to be immortal, as did those British [997]Druids of old.  The [998]Pythagoreans defend Metempsychosis; and Palingenesia, that souls go from one body to another, epota prius Lethes unda, as men into wolves, bears, dogs, hogs, as they were inclined in their lives, or participated in conditions: 

[999]   ------“inque ferinas
Possumus ire domus, pecudumque in corpora condi.”

[1000]Lucian’s cock was first Euphorbus, a captain: 

       “Ille ego (nam memini) Trojani tempore belli,
        Panthoides Euphorbus eram,”

a horse, a man, a sponge. [1001]Julian the Apostate thought Alexander’s soul was descended into his body:  Plato in Timaeo, and in his Phaedon, (for aught I can perceive,) differs not much from this opinion, that it was from God at first, and knew all, but being enclosed in the body, it forgets, and learns anew, which he calls reminiscentia, or recalling, and that it was put into the body for a punishment; and thence it goes into a beast’s, or man’s, as appears by his pleasant fiction de sortitione animarum, lib. 10. de rep. and after [1002]ten thousand years is to return into the former body again,

[1003]  ------“post varios annos, per mille figuras,
Rursus ad humanae fertur primordia vitae.”

Others deny the immortality of it, which Pomponatus of Padua decided out of Aristotle not long since, Plinias Avunculus, cap. 1. lib. 2, et lib. 7. cap. 55; Seneca, lib. 7. epist. ad Lucilium, epist. 55; Dicearchus in Tull.  Tusc. Epicurus, Aratus, Hippocrates, Galen, Lucretius, lib. 1.

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       (Praeterea gigni pariter cum corpore, et una
        Cresere sentimus, pariterque senescere mentem.)[1004]

Averroes, and I know not how many Neoterics. [1005]"This question of the immortality of the soul, is diversely and wonderfully impugned and disputed, especially among the Italians of late,” saith Jab.  Colerus, lib. de immort. animae, cap. 1. The popes themselves have doubted of it:  Leo Decimus, that Epicurean pope, as [1006]some record of him, caused this question to be discussed pro and con before him, and concluded at last, as a profane and atheistical moderator, with that verse of Cornelius Gallus, Et redit in nihilum, quod fuit ante nihil.  It began of nothing, and in nothing it ends.  Zeno and his Stoics, as [1007]Austin quotes him, supposed the soul so long to continue, till the body was fully putrified, and resolved into materia prima:  but after that, in fumos evanescere, to be extinguished and vanished; and in the meantime, whilst the body was consuming, it wandered all abroad, et e longinquo multa annunciare, and (as that Clazomenian Hermotimus averred) saw pretty visions, and suffered I know not what. [1008]Errant exangues sine corpore et ossibus umbrae.  Others grant the immortality thereof, but they make many fabulous fictions in the meantime of it, after the departure from the body:  like Plato’s Elysian fields, and that Turkey paradise.  The souls of good men they deified; the bad (saith [1009]Austin) became devils, as they supposed; with many such absurd tenets, which he hath confuted.  Hierome, Austin, and other Fathers of the church, hold that the soul is immortal, created of nothing, and so infused into the child or embryo in his mother’s womb, six months after the [1010]conception; not as those of brutes, which are ex traduce, and dying with them vanish into nothing.  To whose divine treatises, and to the Scriptures themselves, I rejourn all such atheistical spirits, as Tully did Atticus, doubting of this point, to Plato’s Phaedon.  Or if they desire philosophical proofs and demonstrations, I refer them to Niphus, Nic.  Faventinus’ tracts of this subject.  To Fran. and John Picus in digress:  sup. 3. de Anima, Tholosanus, Eugubinus, To.  Soto, Canas, Thomas, Peresius, Dandinus, Colerus, to that elaborate tract in Zanchius, to Tolet’s Sixty Reasons, and Lessius’ Twenty-two Arguments, to prove the immortality of the soul.  Campanella, lib. de sensu rerum, is large in the same discourse, Albertinus the Schoolman, Jacob.  Nactantus, tom. 2. op. handleth it in four questions, Antony Brunus, Aonius Palearius, Marinus Marcennus, with many others.  This reasonable soul, which Austin calls a spiritual substance moving itself, is defined by philosophers to be “the first substantial act of a natural, humane, organical body, by which a man lives, perceives, and understands, freely doing all things, and with election.”  Out of which definition we may gather, that this rational

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SUBSECT.  X.—­Of the Understanding.

“Understanding is a power of the soul, [1011]by which we perceive, know, remember, and judge as well singulars, as universals, having certain innate notices or beginnings of arts, a reflecting action, by which it judgeth of his own doings, and examines them.”  Out of this definition (besides his chief office, which is to apprehend, judge all that he performs, without the help of any instruments or organs) three differences appear betwixt a man and a beast.  As first, the sense only comprehends singularities, the understanding universalities.  Secondly, the sense hath no innate notions.  Thirdly, brutes cannot reflect upon themselves.  Bees indeed make neat and curious works, and many other creatures besides; but when they have done, they cannot judge of them.  His object is God, ens, all nature, and whatsoever is to be understood:  which successively it apprehends.  The object first moving the understanding, is some sensible thing; after by discoursing, the mind finds out the corporeal substance, and from thence the spiritual.  His actions (some say) are apprehension, composition, division, discoursing, reasoning, memory, which some include in invention, and judgment.  The common divisions are of the understanding, agent, and patient; speculative, and practical; in habit, or in act; simple, or compound.  The agent is that which is called the wit of man, acumen or subtlety, sharpness of invention, when he doth invent of himself without a teacher, or learns anew, which abstracts those intelligible species from the phantasy, and transfers them to the passive understanding, [1012] “because there is nothing in the understanding, which was not first in the sense.”  That which the imagination hath taken from the sense, this agent judgeth of, whether it be true or false; and being so judged he commits it to the passible to be kept.  The agent is a doctor or teacher, the passive a scholar; and his office is to keep and further judge of such things as are committed to his charge; as a bare and rased table at first, capable of all forms and notions.  Now these notions are twofold, actions or habits:  actions, by which we take notions of, and perceive things; habits, which are durable lights and notions, which we may use when we will.  Some reckon up eight kinds of them, sense, experience, intelligence, faith, suspicion, error, opinion, science; to which are added art, prudency, wisdom:  as also [1013]synteresis,

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Synteresis, or the purer part of the conscience, is an innate habit, and doth signify “a conversation of the knowledge of the law of God and Nature, to know good or evil.”  And (as our divines hold) it is rather in the understanding than in the will.  This makes the major proposition in a practical syllogism.  The dictamen rationis is that which doth admonish us to do good or evil, and is the minor in the syllogism.  The conscience is that which approves good or evil, justifying or condemning our actions, and is the conclusion of the syllogism:  as in that familiar example of Regulus the Roman, taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, and suffered to go to Rome, on that condition he should return again, or pay so much for his ransom.  The synteresis proposeth the question; his word, oath, promise, is to be religiously kept, although to his enemy, and that by the law of nature. [1014]"Do not that to another which thou wouldst not have done to thyself.”  Dictamen applies it to him, and dictates this or the like:  Regulus, thou wouldst not another man should falsify his oath, or break promise with thee:  conscience concludes, therefore, Regulus, thou dost well to perform thy promise, and oughtest to keep thine oath.  More of this in Religious Melancholy.

SUBSECT.  XI.—­Of the Will.

Will is the other power of the rational soul, [1015]"which covets or avoids such things as have been before judged and apprehended by the understanding.”  If good, it approves; if evil, it abhors it:  so that his object is either good or evil.  Aristotle calls this our rational appetite; for as, in the sensitive, we are moved to good or bad by our appetite, ruled and directed by sense; so in this we are carried by reason.  Besides, the sensitive appetite hath a particular object, good or bad; this an universal, immaterial:  that respects only things delectable and pleasant; this honest.  Again, they differ in liberty.  The sensual appetite seeing an object, if it be a convenient good, cannot but desire it; if evil, avoid it:  but this is free in his essence, [1016]"much now depraved, obscured, and fallen from his first perfection; yet in some of his operations

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[1019] “Nec nos obniti contra, nec tendere tantum
Sufficimus,”------

we cannot resist, our concupiscence is originally bad, our heart evil, the seat of our affections captivates and enforceth our will.  So that in voluntary things we are averse from God and goodness, bad by nature, by [1020]ignorance worse, by art, discipline, custom, we get many bad habits:  suffering them to domineer and tyrannise over us; and the devil is still ready at hand with his evil suggestions, to tempt our depraved will to some ill-disposed action, to precipitate us to destruction, except our will be swayed and counterpoised again with some divine precepts, and good motions of the spirit, which many times restrain, hinder and check us, when we are in the full career of our dissolute courses.  So David corrected himself, when he had Saul at a vantage.  Revenge and malice were as two violent oppugners on the one side; but honesty, religion, fear of God, withheld him on the other.

The actions of the will are velle and nolle, to will and nill:  which two words comprehend all, and they are good or bad, accordingly as they are directed, and some of them freely performed by himself; although the stoics absolutely deny it, and will have all things inevitably done by destiny, imposing a fatal necessity upon us, which we may not resist; yet we say that our will is free in respect of us, and things contingent, howsoever in respect of God’s determinate counsel, they are inevitable and necessary.  Some other actions of the will are performed by the inferior powers, which obey him, as the sensitive and moving appetite; as to open our eyes, to go hither and thither, not to touch a book, to speak fair or foul:  but this appetite is many times rebellious in us, and will not be contained within the lists of sobriety and temperance.  It was (as I said) once well agreeing with reason, and there was an excellent consent and harmony between them, but that is now dissolved, they often jar, reason is overborne by passion:  Fertur equis auriga, nec audit currus habenas, as so many wild horses run away with a chariot, and will not be curbed.  We know many times what is good, but will not do it, as she said,

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[1021] “Trahit invitum nova vis, aliudque cupido,
Mens aliud suadet,”------

Lust counsels one thing, reason another, there is a new reluctancy in men. [1022]_Odi, nec possum, cupiens non esse, quod odi_.  We cannot resist, but as Phaedra confessed to her nurse, [1023]_quae loqueris, vera sunt, sed furor suggerit sequi pejora_:  she said well and true, she did acknowledge it, but headstrong passion and fury made her to do that which was opposite.  So David knew the filthiness of his fact, what a loathsome, foul, crying sin adultery was, yet notwithstanding he would commit murder, and take away another man’s wife, enforced against reason, religion, to follow his appetite.

Those natural and vegetal powers are not commanded by will at all; for “who can add one cubit to his stature?” These other may, but are not:  and thence come all those headstrong passions, violent perturbations of the mind; and many times vicious habits, customs, feral diseases; because we give so much way to our appetite, and follow our inclination, like so many beasts.  The principal habits are two in number, virtue and vice, whose peculiar definitions, descriptions, differences, and kinds, are handled at large in the ethics, and are, indeed, the subject of moral philosophy.

MEMB.  III.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Definition of Melancholy, Name, Difference.

Having thus briefly anatomised the body and soul of man, as a preparative to the rest; I may now freely proceed to treat of my intended object, to most men’s capacity; and after many ambages, perspicuously define what this melancholy is, show his name and differences.  The name is imposed from the matter, and disease denominated from the material cause:  as Bruel observes, [Greek:  Melancholia] quasi [Greek:  Melainacholae], from black choler.  And whether it be a cause or an effect, a disease or symptom, let Donatus Altomarus and Salvianus decide; I will not contend about it.  It hath several descriptions, notations, and definitions. [1024]Fracastorius, in his second book of intellect, calls those melancholy, “whom abundance of that same depraved humour of black choler hath so misaffected, that they become mad thence, and dote in most things, or in all, belonging to election, will, or other manifest operations of the understanding.” [1025] Melanelius out of Galen, Ruffus, Aetius, describe it to be “a bad and peevish disease, which makes men degenerate into beasts:”  Galen, “a privation or infection of the middle cell of the head,” &c. defining it from the part affected, which [1026]Hercules de Saxonia approves, lib. 1. cap. 16. calling it “a depravation of the principal function:”  Fuschius, lib. 1. cap. 23. Arnoldus Breviar. lib. 1. cap. 18. Guianerius, and others:  “By reason of black choler,” Paulus adds.  Halyabbas simply calls it a “commotion of the mind.”  Aretaeus, [1027]"a perpetual anguish of the soul, fastened on one thing, without an ague;”

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SUBSECT.  II.—­Of the part affected.  Affection.  Parties affected.

Some difference I find amongst writers, about the principal part affected in this disease, whether it be the brain, or heart, or some other member.  Most are of opinion that it is the brain:  for being a kind of dotage, it cannot otherwise be but that the brain must be affected, as a similar part, be it by [1032]consent or essence, not in his ventricles, or any obstructions in them, for then it would be an apoplexy, or epilepsy, as [1033]Laurentius well observes, but in a cold, dry distemperature of it in his substance, which is corrupt and become too cold, or too dry, or else too hot, as in madmen, and such as are inclined to it:  and this [1034] Hippocrates confirms, Galen, the Arabians, and most of our new

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As many doubts almost arise about the [1040]affection, whether it be imagination or reason alone, or both, Hercules de Saxonia proves it out of Galen, Aetius, and Altomarus, that the sole fault is in [1041]imagination.  Bruel is of the same mind:  Montaltus in his 2 cap. of Melancholy confutes this tenet of theirs, and illustrates the contrary by many examples:  as of him that thought himself a shellfish, of a nun, and of a desperate monk that would not be persuaded but that he was damned; reason was in fault as well as imagination, which did not correct this error:  they make away themselves oftentimes, and suppose many absurd and ridiculous things.  Why doth not reason detect the fallacy, settle and persuade, if she be free? [1042]Avicenna therefore holds both corrupt, to whom most Arabians subscribe.  The same is maintained by [1043]Areteus, [1044]Gorgonius, Guianerius, &c.  To end the controversy, no man doubts of imagination, but that it is hurt and misaffected here; for the other I determine with [1045] Albertinus Bottonus, a doctor of Padua, that it is first in “imagination, and afterwards in reason; if the disease be inveterate, or as it is more or less of continuance;” but by accident, as [1046]Herc. de Saxonia adds; “faith, opinion, discourse, ratiocination, are all accidentally depraved by the default of imagination.”

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Parties affected.] To the part affected, I may here add the parties, which shall be more opportunely spoken of elsewhere, now only signified.  Such as have the moon, Saturn, Mercury misaffected in their genitures, such as live in over cold or over hot climes:  such as are born of melancholy parents; as offend in those six non-natural things, are black, or of a high sanguine complexion, [1047]that have little heads, that have a hot heart, moist brain, hot liver and cold stomach, have been long sick:  such as are solitary by nature, great students, given to much contemplation, lead a life out of action, are most subject to melancholy.  Of sexes both, but men more often; yet [1048]women misaffected are far more violent, and grievously troubled.  Of seasons of the year, the autumn is most melancholy.  Of peculiar times:  old age, from which natural melancholy is almost an inseparable accident; but this artificial malady is more frequent in such as are of a [1049]middle age.  Some assign 40 years, Gariopontus 30.  Jubertus excepts neither young nor old from this adventitious.  Daniel Sennertus involves all of all sorts, out of common experience, [1050]_in omnibus omnino corporibus cujuscunque constitutionis dominatar_.  Aetius and Aretius [1051]ascribe into the number “not only [1052]discontented, passionate, and miserable persons, swarthy, black; but such as are most merry and pleasant, scoffers, and high coloured.”  “Generally,” saith Rhasis, [1053]"the finest wits and most generous spirits, are before other obnoxious to it;” I cannot except any complexion, any condition, sex, or age, but [1054]fools and stoics, which, according to [1055]Synesius, are never troubled with any manner of passion, but as Anacreon’s cicada, sine sanguine et dolore; similes fere diis sunt.  Erasmus vindicates fools from this melancholy catalogue, because they have most part moist brains and light hearts; [1056]they are free from ambition, envy, shame and fear; they are neither troubled in conscience, nor macerated with cares, to which our whole life is most subject.

SUBSECT.  III.—­Of the Matter of Melancholy.

Of the matter of melancholy, there is much question betwixt Avicen and Galen, as you may read in [1057]Cardan’s Contradictions, [1058]Valesius’ Controversies, Montanus, Prosper Calenus, Capivaccius, [1059]Bright, [1060]Ficinus, that have written either whole tracts, or copiously of it, in their several treatises of this subject. [1061]"What this humour is, or whence it proceeds, how it is engendered in the body, neither Galen, nor any old writer hath sufficiently discussed,” as Jacchinus thinks:  the Neoterics cannot agree.  Montanus, in his Consultations, holds melancholy to be material or immaterial:  and so doth Arculanus:  the material is one of the four humours before mentioned, and natural.  The immaterial or adventitious, acquisite, redundant, unnatural, artificial; which [1062] Hercules de Saxonia will have reside in the spirits alone, and to proceed from a “hot, cold, dry, moist distemperature, which, without matter, alter the brain and functions of it.”  Paracelsus wholly rejects and derides this division of four humours and complexions, but our Galenists generally approve of it, subscribing to this opinion of Montanus.

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This material melancholy is either simple or mixed; offending in quantity or quality, varying according to his place, where it settleth, as brain, spleen, mesaraic veins, heart, womb, and stomach; or differing according to the mixture of those natural humours amongst themselves, or four unnatural adust humours, as they are diversely tempered and mingled.  If natural melancholy abound in the body, which is cold and dry, “so that it be more [1063]than the body is well able to bear, it must needs be distempered,” saith Faventius, “and diseased;” and so the other, if it be depraved, whether it arise from that other melancholy of choler adust, or from blood, produceth the like effects, and is, as Montaltus contends, if it come by adustion of humours, most part hot and dry.  Some difference I find, whether this melancholy matter may be engendered of all four humours, about the colour and temper of it.  Galen holds it may be engendered of three alone, excluding phlegm, or pituita, whose true assertion [1064]Valesius and Menardus stiffly maintain, and so doth [1065]Fuschius, Montaltus, [1066] Montanus.  How (say they) can white become black?  But Hercules de Saxonia, lib. post. de mela. c. 8, and [1067]Cardan are of the opposite part (it may be engendered of phlegm, etsi raro contingat, though it seldom come to pass), so is [1068]Guianerius and Laurentius, c. 1. with Melanct. in his book de Anima, and Chap. of Humours; he calls it asininam, dull, swinish melancholy, and saith that he was an eyewitness of it:  so is [1069]Wecker.  From melancholy adust ariseth one kind; from choler another, which is most brutish; another from phlegm, which is dull; and the last from blood, which is best.  Of these some are cold and dry, others hot and dry, [1070]varying according to their mixtures, as they are intended, and remitted.  And indeed as Rodericus a Fons. cons. 12. l. 1. determines, ichors, and those serous matters being thickened become phlegm, and phlegm degenerates into choler, choler adust becomes aeruginosa melancholia, as vinegar out of purest wine putrified or by exhalation of purer spirits is so made, and becomes sour and sharp; and from the sharpness of this humour proceeds much waking, troublesome thoughts and dreams, &c. so that I conclude as before.  If the humour be cold, it is, saith [1071]Faventinus, “a cause of dotage, and produceth milder symptoms:  if hot, they are rash, raving mad, or inclining to it.”  If the brain be hot, the animal spirits are hot; much madness follows, with violent actions:  if cold, fatuity and sottishness, [1072]Capivaccius. [1073]"The colour of this mixture varies likewise according to the mixture, be it hot or cold; ’tis sometimes black, sometimes not,” Altomarus.  The same [1074]Melanelius proves out of Galen; and Hippocrates in his Book of Melancholy (if at least it be his), giving instance in a burning coal, “which when it is hot, shines; when it is cold, looks black;

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Of the species or kinds of Melancholy.

When the matter is divers and confused, how should it otherwise be, but that the species should be divers and confused?  Many new and old writers have spoken confusedly of it, confounding melancholy and madness, as [1076] Heurnius, Guianerius, Gordonius, Salustius Salvianus, Jason Pratensis, Savanarola, that will have madness no other than melancholy in extent, differing (as I have said) in degrees.  Some make two distinct species, as Ruffus Ephesius, an old writer, Constantinus Africanus, Aretaeus, [1077] Aurelianus, [1078]Paulus Aegineta:  others acknowledge a multitude of kinds, and leave them indefinite, as Aetius in his Tetrabiblos, [1079]Avicenna, lib. 3.  Fen. 1.  Tract. 4. cap. 18. Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9.  Rasis.  Montanus, med. part. 1. [1080]"If natural melancholy be adust, it maketh one kind; if blood, another; if choler, a third, differing from the first; and so many several opinions there are about the kinds, as there be men themselves.” [1081]Hercules de Saxonia sets down two kinds, “material and immaterial; one from spirits alone, the other from humours and spirits.”  Savanarola, Rub. 11.  Tract. 6. cap. 1. de aegritud. capitis, will have the kinds to be infinite; one from the mirach, called myrachialis of the Arabians; another stomachalis, from the stomach; another from the liver, heart, womb, haemorrhoids, [1082]"one beginning, another consummate.”  Melancthon seconds him, [1083]"as the humour is diversely adust and mixed, so are the species divers;” but what these men speak of species I think ought to be understood of symptoms; and so doth [1084] Arculanus interpret himself:  infinite species, id est, symptoms; and in that sense, as Jo.  Gorrheus acknowledgeth in his medicinal definitions, the species are infinite, but they may be reduced to three kinds by reason of their seat; head, body, and hypochrondries.  This threefold division is approved by Hippocrates in his Book of Melancholy, (if it be his, which some suspect) by Galen, lib. 3. de loc. affectis, cap. 6. by Alexander, lib. 1. cap. 16. Rasis, lib. 1.  Continent.  Tract. 9. lib. 1. cap. 16. Avicenna and most of our new writers.  Th.  Erastus makes two kinds; one perpetual, which is head melancholy; the other interrupt, which comes and goes by fits, which he subdivides into the other two kinds, so that all comes to the same pass.  Some again make four or five kinds, with Rodericus a Castro, de morbis mulier. lib. 2. cap. 3.

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It is a hard matter, I confess, to distinguish these three species one from the other, to express their several causes, symptoms, cures, being that they are so often confounded amongst themselves, having such affinity, that they can scarce be discerned by the most accurate physicians; and so often intermixed with other diseases, that the best experienced have been plunged.  Montanus consil. 26, names a patient that had this disease of melancholy and caninus appetitus both together; and consil. 23, with vertigo, [1087]Julius Caesar Claudinus with stone, gout, jaundice.  Trincavellius with an ague, jaundice, caninus appetitus, &c. [1088]Paulus Regoline, a great doctor in his time, consulted in this case, was so confounded with a confusion of symptoms, that he knew not to what kind of melancholy to refer it. [1089]Trincavellius, Fallopius, and Francanzanus, famous doctors in Italy, all three conferred with about one party, at the same time, gave three different opinions.  And in another place, Trincavellius being demanded what he thought of a melancholy young man to whom he was sent for, ingenuously confessed that he was indeed melancholy, but he knew not to what kind to reduce it.  In his seventeenth consultation there is the like disagreement about a melancholy monk.  Those symptoms, which others ascribe to misaffected parts and humours, [1090]Herc. de Saxonia attributes wholly to distempered spirits,

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SECT.  II.  MEMB.  I.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Causes of Melancholy.  God a cause.

“It is in vain to speak of cures, or think of remedies, until such time as we have considered of the causes,” so [1095]Galen prescribes Glauco:  and the common experience of others confirms that those cures must be imperfect, lame, and to no purpose, wherein the causes have not first been searched, as [1096]Prosper Calenius well observes in his tract de atra bile to Cardinal Caesius.  Insomuch that [1097]"Fernelius puts a kind of necessity in the knowledge of the causes, and without which it is impossible to cure or prevent any manner of disease.”  Empirics may ease, and sometimes help, but not thoroughly root out; sublata causa tollitur effectus as the saying is, if the cause be removed, the effect is likewise vanquished.  It is a most difficult thing (I confess) to be able to discern these causes whence they are, and in such [1098]variety to say what the beginning was. [1099]He is happy that can perform it aright.  I will adventure to guess as near as I can, and rip them all up, from the first to the last, general and particular, to every species, that so they may the better be described.

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General causes, are either supernatural, or natural.  “Supernatural are from God and his angels, or by God’s permission from the devil” and his ministers.  That God himself is a cause for the punishment of sin, and satisfaction of his justice, many examples and testimonies of holy Scriptures make evident unto us, Ps. cvii, 17.  “Foolish men are plagued for their offence, and by reason of their wickedness.”  Gehazi was stricken with leprosy, 2 Reg. v. 27.  Jehoram with dysentery and flux, and great diseases of the bowels, 2 Chron. xxi. 15.  David plagued for numbering his people, 1 Par. 21.  Sodom and Gomorrah swallowed up.  And this disease is peculiarly specified, Psalm cxxvii. 12.  “He brought down their heart through heaviness.”  Deut. xxviii. 28.  “He struck them with madness, blindness, and astonishment of heart.” [1100]"An evil spirit was sent by the Lord upon Saul, to vex him.” [1101]Nebuchadnezzar did eat grass like an ox, and his “heart was made like the beasts of the field.”  Heathen stories are full of such punishments.  Lycurgus, because he cut down the vines in the country, was by Bacchus driven into madness:  so was Pentheus and his mother Agave for neglecting their sacrifice. [1102]Censor Fulvius ran mad for untiling Juno’s temple, to cover a new one of his own, which he had dedicated to Fortune, [1103]"and was confounded to death with grief and sorrow of heart.”  When Xerxes would have spoiled [1104]Apollo’s temple at Delphos of those infinite riches it possessed, a terrible thunder came from heaven and struck four thousand men dead, the rest ran mad. [1105]A little after, the like happened to Brennus, lightning, thunder, earthquakes, upon such a sacrilegious occasion.  If we may believe our pontifical writers, they will relate unto us many strange and prodigious punishments in this kind, inflicted by their saints.  How [1106]Clodoveus, sometime king of France, the son of Dagobert, lost his wits for uncovering the body of St. Denis:  and how a [1107]sacrilegious Frenchman, that would have stolen a silver image of St. John, at Birgburge, became frantic on a sudden, raging, and tyrannising over his own flesh:  of a [1108]Lord of Rhadnor, that coming from hunting late at night, put his dogs into St. Avan’s church, (Llan Avan they called it) and rising betimes next morning, as hunters use to do, found all his dogs mad, himself being suddenly strucken blind.  Of Tyridates an [1109]Armenian king, for violating some holy nuns, that was punished in like sort, with loss of his wits.  But poets and papists may go together for fabulous tales; let them free their own credits:  howsoever they feign of their Nemesis, and of their saints, or by the devil’s means may be deluded; we find it true, that ultor a tergo Deus, [1110]"He is God the avenger,” as David styles him; and that it is our crying sins that pull this and many other maladies on our own heads.  That he can by his angels, which are his ministers, strike and heal (saith [1111]Dionysius) whom he will; that he can

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SUBSECT.  II.—­A Digression of the nature of Spirits, bad Angels, or Devils, and how they cause Melancholy.

How far the power of spirits and devils doth extend, and whether they can cause this, or any other disease, is a serious question, and worthy to be considered:  for the better understanding of which, I will make a brief digression of the nature of spirits.  And although the question be very obscure, according to [1118]Postellus, “full of controversy and ambiguity,” beyond the reach of human capacity, fateor excedere vires intentionis meae, saith [1119]Austin, I confess I am not able to understand it, finitum de infinito non potest statuere, we can sooner determine with Tully, de nat. deorum,

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Nature of Devils.] There is a foolish opinion which some hold, that they are the souls of men departed, good and more noble were deified, the baser grovelled on the ground, or in the lower parts, and were devils, the which with Tertullian, Porphyrius the philosopher, M. Tyrius, ser. 27 maintains.  “These spirits,” he [1123]saith, “which we call angels and devils, are nought but souls of men departed, which either through love and pity of their friends yet living, help and assist them, or else persecute their enemies, whom they hated,” as Dido threatened to persecute Aeneas: 

       “Omnibus umbra locis adero:  dabis improbe poenas.”

       “My angry ghost arising from the deep,
        Shall haunt thee waking, and disturb thy sleep;
        At least my shade thy punishment shall know,
        And Fame shall spread the pleasing news below.”

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They are (as others suppose) appointed by those higher powers to keep men from their nativity, and to protect or punish them as they see cause:  and are called boni et mali Genii by the Romans.  Heroes, lares, if good, lemures or larvae if bad, by the stoics, governors of countries, men, cities, saith [1124]Apuleius, Deos appellant qui ex hominum numero juste ac prudenter vitae curriculo gubernato, pro numine, postea ab hominibus praediti fanis et ceremoniis vulgo admittuntur, ut in Aegypto Osyris, &c. Praestites, Capella calls them, “which protected particular men as well as princes,” Socrates had his Daemonium Saturninum et ignium, which of all spirits is best, ad sublimes cogitationes animum erigentem, as the Platonists supposed; Plotinus his, and we Christians our assisting angel, as Andreas Victorellus, a copious writer of this subject, Lodovicus de La-Cerda, the Jesuit, in his voluminous tract de Angelo Custode, Zanchius, and some divines think.  But this absurd tenet of Tyreus, Proclus confutes at large in his book de Anima et daemone.

Psellus [1125], a Christian, and sometimes tutor (saith Cuspinian) to Michael Parapinatius, Emperor of Greece, a great observer of the nature of devils, holds they are corporeal [1126], and have “aerial bodies, that they are mortal, live and die,” (which Martianus Capella likewise maintains, but our Christian philosophers explode) “that they [1127]are nourished and have excrements, they feel pain if they be hurt” (which Cardan confirms, and Scaliger justly laughs him to scorn for; Si pascantur aere, cur non pugnant ob puriorem aera? &c.) “or stroken:”  and if their bodies be cut, with admirable celerity they come together again.  Austin, in Gen. lib. iii. lib. arbit., approves as much, mutata casu corpora in deteriorem qualitatem aeris spissioris, so doth Hierome. Comment. in epist. ad Ephes. cap. 3, Origen, Tertullian, Lactantius, and many ancient Fathers of the Church:  that in their fall their bodies were changed into a more aerial and gross substance.  Bodine, lib. 4, Theatri Naturae and David Crusius, Hermeticae Philosophiae, lib. 1. cap. 4, by several arguments proves angels and spirits to be corporeal:  quicquid continetur in loco corporeum est; At spiritus continetur in loco, ergo. [1128]Si spiritus sunt quanti, erunt corporei:  At sunt quanti, ergo. sunt finiti, ergo. quanti, &c.  Bodine [1129]goes farther yet, and will have these, Animae separatae genii, spirits, angels, devils, and so likewise souls of men departed, if corporeal (which he most eagerly contends) to be of some shape, and that absolutely round, like Sun and Moon, because that is the most perfect form, quae nihil habet asperitatis, nihil angulis incisum, nihil anfractibus involutem, nihil eminens, sed inter corpora perfecta est perfectissimum; [1130]therefore all spirits are corporeal he concludes, and in their proper shapes

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That they are mortal, besides these testimonies of Cardan, Martianus, &c., many other divines and philosophers hold, post prolixum tempus moriuntur omnes; The [1145]Platonists, and some Rabbins, Porphyrius and Plutarch, as appears by that relation of Thamus:  [1146]"The great God Pan is dead; Apollo Pythius ceased; and so the rest.”  St. Hierome, in the life of Paul the Hermit, tells a story how one of them appeared to St. Anthony in the wilderness, and told him as much. [1147]Paracelsus of our late writers stiffly maintains that they are mortal, live and die as other creatures do.  Zozimus, l. 2, farther adds, that religion and policy dies and alters with them.  The [1148]Gentiles’ gods, he saith, were expelled by Constantine, and together with them. Imperii Romani majestas, et fortuna interiit, et profligata est; The fortune and majesty of the Roman Empire decayed and vanished, as that heathen in [1149]Minutius formerly bragged, when the Jews were overcome by the Romans, the Jew’s God was likewise captivated by that of Rome; and Rabsakeh to the Israelites, no God should deliver them out of the hands of the Assyrians.  But these paradoxes of their power, corporeity, mortality, taking of shapes, transposing bodies, and carnal copulations, are sufficiently confuted by Zanch. c. 10, l. 4. Pererius in his comment, and Tostatus questions on the 6th of Gen. Th.  Aquin., St. Austin, Wierus, Th.  Erastus, Delrio, tom. 2, l. 2, quaest. 29; Sebastian Michaelis, c. 2, de spiritibus, D. Reinolds Lect. 47. They may deceive the eyes of men, yet not take true bodies, or make a real metamorphosis; but as Cicogna proves at large, they are [1150]_Illusoriae, et praestigiatrices transformationes_, omnif. mag. lib. 4. cap. 4, mere illusions and cozenings, like that tale of Pasetis obulus in Suidas, or that of Autolicus, Mercury’s son, that dwelt in Parnassus, who got so much treasure by cozenage and stealth.  His father Mercury, because he could leave him no wealth, taught him many fine tricks to get means, [1151]for he could drive away men’s cattle, and if any pursued him, turn them into what shapes he would, and so did mightily enrich himself, hoc astu maximam praedam est adsecutus.  This, no doubt, is as true as the rest; yet thus much in general.  Thomas, Durand, and others, grant that they have understanding far beyond men, can probably conjecture and [1152]foretell many things; they can

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Orders.] As for those orders of good and bad devils, which the Platonists hold, is altogether erroneous, and those Ethnics boni et mali Genii, are to be exploded:  these heathen writers agree not in this point among themselves, as Dandinus notes, An sint [1157]mali non conveniunt, some will have all spirits good or bad to us by a mistake, as if an Ox or Horse could discourse, he would say the Butcher was his enemy because he killed him, the grazier his friend because he fed him; a hunter preserves and yet kills his game, and is hated nevertheless of his game; nec piscatorem piscis amare potest, &c.  But Jamblichus, Psellus, Plutarch, and most Platonists acknowledge bad, et ab eorum maleficiis cavendum, and we should beware of their wickedness, for they are enemies of mankind, and this Plato learned in Egypt, that they quarrelled with Jupiter, and were driven by him down to hell. [1158]That which [1159]Apuleius, Xenophon, and Plato contend of Socrates Daemonium, is most absurd:  That which Plotinus of his, that he had likewise Deum pro Daemonio; and that which Porphyry concludes of them all in general, if they be neglected in their sacrifice they are angry; nay more, as Cardan in his Hipperchen will, they feed on men’s souls, Elementa sunt plantis elementum, animalibus plantae, hominibus animalia, erunt et homines aliis, non autem diis, nimis enim

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       “Singula [1168]nonnulli credunt quoque sidera posse
        Dici orbes, terramque appellant sidus opacum,
        Cui minimus divum praesit.”------

       “Some persons believe each star to be a world, and this earth an
        opaque star, over which the least of the gods presides.”

[1169]Gregorius Tholsanus makes seven kinds of ethereal spirits or angels, according to the number of the seven planets, Saturnine, Jovial, Martial, of which Cardan discourseth lib. 20. de subtil. he calls them substantias primas, Olympicos daemones Tritemius, qui praesunt Zodiaco, &c., and will have them to be good angels above, devils beneath the Moon, their several names and offices he there sets down, and which Dionysius of Angels, will have several spirits for several countries, men, offices, &c., which live about them, and as so many assisting powers cause their operations, will have in a word, innumerable, as many of them as there be stars in the skies. [1170]Marcilius Ficinus seems to second this opinion, out of Plato, or from himself, I know not, (still ruling their inferiors, as they do those under them again, all subordinate, and the nearest to the earth rule us, whom we subdivide into good and bad angels, call gods or devils, as they help or hurt us, and so adore, love or hate) but it is most likely from Plato, for he relying wholly on Socrates, quem mori potius quam mentiri voluisse scribit, whom he says would rather die than tell a falsehood, out of Socrates’ authority alone, made nine kinds of them:  which opinion belike Socrates took from Pythagoras, and he from Trismegistus, he from Zoroastes, first God, second idea, 3.  Intelligences, 4.  Arch-Angels, 5.  Angels, 6.  Devils, 7.  Heroes, 8.  Principalities, 9.  Princes:  of which some were absolutely good, as gods, some bad, some indifferent inter deos et homines, as heroes and daemons, which ruled men, and were called genii, or as [1171]Proclus and Jamblichus will, the middle betwixt God and men.  Principalities and princes, which commanded and swayed kings and countries; and had several places in the spheres perhaps, for as every sphere is higher, so hath it more excellent inhabitants:  which belike is that Galilaeus a Galileo and Kepler aims at in his nuncio Syderio, when he will have [1172]Saturnine and Jovial inhabitants:  and which Tycho Brahe doth in some sort touch or insinuate in one of his epistles:  but these things [1173]Zanchius justly explodes, cap. 3. lib. 4. P. Martyr, in 4.  Sam. 28.

So that according to these men the number of ethereal spirits must needs be infinite:  for if that be true that some of our mathematicians say:  if a stone could fall from the starry heaven, or eighth sphere, and should pass every hour an hundred miles, it would be 65 years, or more, before it would come to ground, by reason of the great distance of heaven from earth, which contains as some say 170 millions 800 miles, besides those other heavens, whether they be crystalline or watery which Maginus adds, which peradventure holds as much more, how many such spirits may it contain?  And yet for all this [1174]Thomas Albertus, and most hold that there be far more angels than devils.

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Sublunary devils, and their kinds.] But be they more or less, Quod supra nos nihil ad nos (what is beyond our comprehension does not concern us).  Howsoever as Martianus foolishly supposeth, Aetherii Daemones non curant res humanas, they care not for us, do not attend our actions, or look for us, those ethereal spirits have other worlds to reign in belike or business to follow.  We are only now to speak in brief of these sublunary spirits or devils:  for the rest, our divines determine that the devil had no power over stars, or heavens; [1175]_Carminibus coelo possunt deducere lunam_, &C., (by their charms (verses) they can seduce the moon from the heavens).  Those are poetical fictions, and that they can [1176]_sistere aquam fluviis, et vertere sidera retro_, &c., (stop rivers and turn the stars backward in their courses) as Canadia in Horace, ’tis all false. [1177] They are confined until the day of judgment to this sublunary world, and can work no farther than the four elements, and as God permits them.  Wherefore of these sublunary devils, though others divide them otherwise according to their several places and offices, Psellus makes six kinds, fiery, aerial, terrestrial, watery, and subterranean devils, besides those fairies, satyrs, nymphs, &c.

Fiery spirits or devils are such as commonly work by blazing stars, fire-drakes, or ignes fatui; which lead men often in flumina aut praecipitia, saith Bodine, lib. 2.  Theat.  Naturae, fol. 221. Quos inquit arcere si volunt viatores, clara voce Deum appellare aut pronam facie terram contingente adorare oportet, et hoc amuletum majoribus nostris acceptum ferre debemus, &c., (whom if travellers wish to keep off they must pronounce the name of God with a clear voice, or adore him with their faces in contact with the ground, &c.); likewise they counterfeit suns and moons, stars oftentimes, and sit on ship masts:  In navigiorum summitatibus visuntur; and are called dioscuri, as Eusebius l. contra Philosophos, c. xlviii. informeth us, out of the authority of Zenophanes; or little clouds, ad motum nescio quem volantes; which never appear, saith Cardan, but they signify some mischief or other to come unto men, though some again will have them to pretend good, and victory to that side they come towards in sea fights, St. Elmo’s fires they commonly call them, and they do likely appear after a sea storm; Radzivilius, the Polonian duke, calls this apparition, Sancti Germani sidus; and saith moreover that he saw the same after in a storm, as he was sailing, 1582, from Alexandria to Rhodes. [1178]Our stories are full of such apparitions in all kinds.  Some think they keep their residence in that Hecla, a mountain in Iceland, Aetna in Sicily, Lipari, Vesuvius, &c.  These devils were worshipped heretofore by that superstitious Pyromanteia [1179]and the like.

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Aerial spirits or devils, are such as keep quarter most part in the [1180] air, cause many tempests, thunder, and lightnings, tear oaks, fire steeples, houses, strike men and beasts, make it rain stones, as in Livy’s time, wool, frogs, &c.  Counterfeit armies in the air, strange noises, swords, &c., as at Vienna before the coming of the Turks, and many times in Rome, as Scheretzius l. de spect. c. 1. part 1. Lavater de spect. part. 1. c. 17. Julius Obsequens, an old Roman, in his book of prodigies, ab urb. cond. 505. [1181]Machiavel hath illustrated by many examples, and Josephus, in his book de bello Judaico, before the destruction of Jerusalem.  All which Guil.  Postellus, in his first book, c. 7, de orbis concordia, useth as an effectual argument (as indeed it is) to persuade them that will not believe there be spirits or devils.  They cause whirlwinds on a sudden, and tempestuous storms; which though our meteorologists generally refer to natural causes, yet I am of Bodine’s mind, Theat.  Nat. l. 2. they are more often caused by those aerial devils, in their several quarters; for Tempestatibus se ingerunt, saith [1182] Rich.  Argentine; as when a desperate man makes away with himself, which by hanging or drowning they frequently do, as Kommanus observes, de mirac. mort. part. 7, c. 76. tripudium agentes, dancing and rejoicing at the death of a sinner.  These can corrupt the air, and cause plagues, sickness, storms, shipwrecks, fires, inundations.  At Mons Draconis in Italy, there is a most memorable example in [1183]Jovianus Pontanus:  and nothing so familiar (if we may believe those relations of Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Damianus A. Goes) as for witches and sorcerers, in Lapland, Lithuania, and all over Scandia, to sell winds to mariners, and cause tempests, which Marcus Paulus the Venetian relates likewise of the Tartars.  These kind of devils are much [1184]delighted in sacrifices (saith Porphyry), held all the world in awe, and had several names, idols, sacrifices, in Rome, Greece, Egypt, and at this day tyrannise over, and deceive those Ethnics and Indians, being adored and worshipped for [1185] gods.  For the Gentiles’ gods were devils (as [1186]Trismegistus confesseth in his Asclepius), and he himself could make them come to their images by magic spells:  and are now as much “respected by our papists” (saith [1187] Pictorius) “under the name of saints.”  These are they which Cardan thinks desire so much carnal copulation with witches (Incubi and Succubi), transform bodies, and are so very cold, if they be touched; and that serve magicians.  His father had one of them (as he is not ashamed to relate), [1188]an aerial devil, bound to him for twenty and eight years.  As Agrippa’s dog had a devil tied to his collar; some think that Paracelsus (or else Erastus belies him) had one confined to his sword pummel; others wear them in rings, &c.  Jannes and Jambres did many things of old by their

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Water-devils are those Naiads or water nymphs which have been heretofore conversant about waters and rivers.  The water (as Paracelsus thinks) is their chaos, wherein they live; some call them fairies, and say that Habundia is their queen; these cause inundations, many times shipwrecks, and deceive men divers ways, as Succuba, or otherwise, appearing most part (saith Tritemius) in women’s shapes. [1190]Paracelsus hath several stories of them that have lived and been married to mortal men, and so continued for certain years with them, and after, upon some dislike, have forsaken them.  Such a one as Aegeria, with whom Numa was so familiar, Diana, Ceres, &c. [1191]Olaus Magnus hath a long narration of one Hotherus, a king of Sweden, that having lost his company, as he was hunting one day, met with these water nymphs or fairies, and was feasted by them; and Hector Boethius, or Macbeth, and Banquo, two Scottish lords, that as they were wandering in the woods, had their fortunes told them by three strange women.  To these, heretofore, they did use to sacrifice, by that [Greek:  hydromanteia], or divination by waters.

Terrestrial devils are those [1192]Lares, genii, fauns, satyrs, [1193] wood-nymphs, foliots, fairies, Robin Goodfellows, trulli, &c., which as they are most conversant with men, so they do them most harm.  Some think it was they alone that kept the heathen people in awe of old, and had so many idols and temples erected to them.  Of this range was Dagon amongst the Philistines, Bel amongst the Babylonians, Astartes amongst the Sidonians, Baal amongst the Samaritans, Isis and Osiris amongst the Egyptians, &c.; some put our [1194]fairies into this rank, which have been in former times adored with much superstition, with sweeping their houses, and setting of a pail of clean water, good victuals, and the like, and then they should not be pinched, but find money in their shoes, and be fortunate in their enterprises.  These are they that dance on heaths and greens, as [1195] Lavater thinks with Tritemius, and as [1196]Olaus Magnus adds, leave that green circle, which we commonly find in plain fields, which others hold to proceed from a meteor falling, or some accidental rankness of the ground, so nature sports herself; they are sometimes seen by old women and children.  Hierom.  Pauli, in his description of the city of Bercino in Spain, relates how they have been familiarly seen near that town, about fountains and hills; Nonnunquam (saith Tritemius) in sua latibula montium simpliciores homines ducant,

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Subterranean devils are as common as the rest, and do as much harm.  Olaus Magnus, lib. 6, cap. 19, make six kinds of them; some bigger, some less.  These (saith [1216]Munster) are commonly seen about mines of metals, and are some of them noxious; some again do no harm.  The metal-men in many places account it good luck, a sign of treasure and rich ore when they see them.  Georgius Agricola, in his book de subterraneis animantibus, cap. 37, reckons two more notable kinds of them, which he calls [1217]_getuli_ and cobali, both “are clothed after the manner of metal-men, and will many times imitate their works.”  Their office, as Pictorius and Paracelsus think, is to keep treasure in the earth, that it be not all at once revealed; and besides, [1218]Cicogna avers that they are the frequent causes of those horrible earthquakes “which often swallow up, not only houses, but whole islands and cities;” in his third book, cap. 11, he gives many instances.

The last are conversant about the centre of the earth to torture the souls of damned men to the day of judgment; their egress and regress some suppose to be about Etna, Lipari, Mons Hecla in Iceland, Vesuvius, Terra del Fuego, &c., because many shrieks and fearful cries are continually heard thereabouts, and familiar apparitions of dead men, ghosts and goblins.

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Their Offices, Operations, Study.] Thus the devil reigns, and in a thousand several shapes, “as a roaring lion still seeks whom he may devour,” 1 Pet. v., by sea, land, air, as yet unconfined, though [1219] some will have his proper place the air; all that space between us and the moon for them that transgressed least, and hell for the wickedest of them, Hic velut in carcere ad finem mundi, tunc in locum funestiorum trudendi, as Austin holds de Civit.  Dei, c. 22, lib. 14, cap. 3 et 23; but be where he will, he rageth while he may to comfort himself, as [1220] Lactantius thinks, with other men’s falls, he labours all he can to bring them into the same pit of perdition with him.  For [1221]"men’s miseries, calamities, and ruins are the devil’s banqueting dishes.”  By many temptations and several engines, he seeks to captivate our souls.  The Lord of Lies, saith [1222]Austin, “as he was deceived himself, he seeks to deceive others,” the ringleader to all naughtiness, as he did by Eve and Cain, Sodom and Gomorrah, so would he do by all the world.  Sometimes he tempts by covetousness, drunkenness, pleasure, pride, &c., errs, dejects, saves, kills, protects, and rides some men, as they do their horses.  He studies our overthrow, and generally seeks our destruction; and although he pretend many times human good, and vindicate himself for a god by curing of several diseases, aegris sanitatem, et caecis luminis usum restituendo, as Austin declares, lib. 10, de civit Dei, cap. 6, as Apollo, Aesculapius, Isis, of old have done; divert plagues, assist them in wars, pretend their happiness, yet nihil his impurius, scelestius, nihil humano generi infestius, nothing so impure, nothing so pernicious, as may well appear by their tyrannical and bloody sacrifices of men to Saturn and Moloch, which are still in use among those barbarous Indians, their several deceits and cozenings to keep men in obedience, their false oracles, sacrifices, their superstitious impositions of fasts, penury, &c.  Heresies, superstitious observations of meats, times, &c., by which they [1223] crucify the souls of mortal men, as shall be showed in our Treatise of Religious Melancholy. Modico adhuc tempore sinitur malignari, as [1224] Bernard expresseth it, by God’s permission he rageth a while, hereafter to be confined to hell and darkness, “which is prepared for him and his angels,” Mat. xxv.

How far their power doth extend it is hard to determine; what the ancients held of their effects, force and operations, I will briefly show you:  Plato in Critias, and after him his followers, gave out that these spirits or devils, “were men’s governors and keepers, our lords and masters, as we are of our cattle.” [1225]"They govern provinces and kingdoms by oracles, auguries,” dreams, rewards and punishments, prophecies, inspirations, sacrifices, and religious superstitions, varied in as many forms as there be diversity of spirits; they send wars, plagues, peace,

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The manner how he performs it, Biarmannus in his Oration against Bodine, sufficiently declares. [1242]"He begins first with the phantasy, and moves that so strongly, that no reason is able to resist.”  Now the phantasy he moves by mediation of humours; although many physicians are of opinion, that the devil can alter the mind, and produce this disease of himself. Quibusdam medicorum visum, saith [1243]Avicenna, quod Melancholia contingat a daemonio.  Of the same mind is Psellus and Rhasis the Arab. lib. 1.  Tract. 9.  Cont. [1244]"That this disease proceeds especially from the devil, and from him alone.”  Arculanus, cap. 6. in 9.  Rhasis, Aelianus Montaltus, in his 9. cap.  Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part. 2. cap. 11. confirm as much, that the devil can cause this disease; by reason many times that the parties affected prophesy, speak strange language, but non sine interventu humoris, not without the humour, as he interprets himself;

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Page 170

SUBSECT.  III.—­Of Witches and Magicians, how they cause Melancholy.

You have heard what the devil can do of himself, now you shall hear what he can perform by his instruments, who are many times worse (if it be possible) than he himself, and to satisfy their revenge and lust cause more mischief, Multa enim mala non egisset daemon, nisi provocatus a sagis, as [1252]Erastus thinks; much harm had never been done, had he not been provoked by witches to it.  He had not appeared in Samuel’s

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       “Somnia, terrores Magicos, miracula, sagas,
        Nocturnos Lemures, portentaque Thessala risu
        Excipiunt.”------

       “Say, can you laugh indignant at the schemes
        Of magic terrors, visionary dreams,
        Portentous wonders, witching imps of Hell,
        The nightly goblin, and enchanting spell?”

They laugh at all such stories; but on the contrary are most lawyers, divines, physicians, philosophers, Austin, Hemingius, Danaeus, Chytraeus, Zanchius, Aretius, &c.  Delrio, Springer, [1253]Niderius, lib. 5. Fornicar.  Guiatius, Bartolus, consil. 6. tom. 1.  Bodine, daemoniant. lib 2. cap. 8. Godelman, Damhoderius, &c.  Paracelsus, Erastus, Scribanius, Camerarius, &c.  The parties by whom the devil deals, may be reduced to these two, such as command him in show at least, as conjurors, and magicians, whose detestable and horrid mysteries are contained in their book called [1254]Arbatell; daemonis enim advocati praesto sunt, seque exorcismis et conjurationibus quasi cogi patiuntur, ut miserum magorum genus, in impietate detineant.  Or such as are commanded, as witches, that deal ex parte implicite, or explicite, as the [1255]king hath well defined; many subdivisions there are, and many several species of sorcerers, witches, enchanters, charmers, &c.  They have been tolerated heretofore some of them; and magic hath been publicly professed in former times, in [1256]Salamanca, [1257]Krakow, and other places, though after censured by several [1258]Universities, and now generally contradicted, though practised by some still, maintained and excused, Tanquam res secreta quae non nisi viris magnis et peculiari beneficio de Coelo instructis communicatur (I use [1259]Boesartus his words) and so far approved by some princes, Ut nihil ausi aggredi in politicis, in sacris, in consiliis, sine eorum arbitrio; they consult still with them, and dare indeed do nothing without their advice.  Nero and Heliogabalus, Maxentius, and Julianus Apostata, were never so much addicted to magic of old, as some of our modern princes and popes themselves are nowadays.  Erricus, King of Sweden, had an [1260]enchanted cap, by virtue of which, and some magical murmur or whispering terms, he could command spirits, trouble the air, and make the wind stand which way he would, insomuch that when there was any great wind or storm, the common

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Page 173

SUBSECT.  IV.—­Stars a cause.  Signs from Physiognomy, Metoposcopy, Chiromancy.

Page 174

Natural causes are either primary and universal, or secondary and more particular.  Primary causes are the heavens, planets, stars, &c., by their influence (as our astrologers hold) producing this and such like effects.  I will not here stand to discuss obiter, whether stars be causes, or signs; or to apologise for judical astrology.  If either Sextus Empericus, Picus Mirandula, Sextus ab Heminga, Pererius, Erastus, Chambers, &c., have so far prevailed with any man, that he will attribute no virtue at all to the heavens, or to sun, or moon, more than he doth to their signs at an innkeeper’s post, or tradesman’s shop, or generally condemn all such astrological aphorisms approved by experience:  I refer him to Bellantius, Pirovanus, Marascallerus, Goclenius, Sir Christopher Heidon, &c.  If thou shalt ask me what I think, I must answer, nam et doctis hisce erroribus versatus sum, (for I am conversant with these learned errors,) they do incline, but not compel; no necessity at all:  [1278]_agunt non cogunt_:  and so gently incline, that a wise man may resist them; sapiens dominabitur astris:  they rule us, but God rules them.  All this (methinks) [1279]Joh. de Indagine hath comprised in brief, Quaeris a me quantum in nobis operantur astra? &c.  “Wilt thou know how far the stars work upon us?  I say they do but incline, and that so gently, that if we will be ruled by reason, they have no power over us; but if we follow our own nature, and be led by sense, they do as much in us as in brute beasts, and we are no better.”  So that, I hope, I may justly conclude with [1280]Cajetan, Coelum est vehiculum divinae virtutis, &c., that the heaven is God’s instrument, by mediation of which he governs and disposeth these elementary bodies; or a great book, whose letters are the stars, (as one calls it,) wherein are written many strange things for such as can read, [1281]"or an excellent harp, made by an eminent workman, on which, he that can but play, will make most admirable music.”  But to the purpose.

[1282]Paracelsus is of opinion, “that a physician without the knowledge of stars can neither understand the cause or cure of any disease, either of this or gout, not so much as toothache; except he see the peculiar geniture and scheme of the party effected.”  And for this proper malady, he will have the principal and primary cause of it proceed from the heaven, ascribing more to stars than humours, [1283]"and that the constellation alone many times produceth melancholy, all other causes set apart.”  He gives instance in lunatic persons, that are deprived of their wits by the moon’s motion; and in another place refers all to the ascendant, and will have the true and chief cause of it to be sought from the stars.  Neither is it his opinion only, but of many Galenists and philosophers, though they do not so peremptorily maintain as much.  “This variety of melancholy symptoms proceeds from the stars,” saith [1284]Melancthon: 

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Other signs there are taken from physiognomy, metoposcopy, chiromancy, which because Joh. de Indagine, and Rotman, the landgrave of Hesse his mathematician, not long since in his Chiromancy; Baptista Porta, in his celestial Physiognomy, have proved to hold great affinity with astrology, to satisfy the curious, I am the more willing to insert.

The general notions [1293]physiognomers give, be these; “black colour argues natural melancholy; so doth leanness, hirsuteness, broad veins, much hair on the brows,” saith [1294]Gratanarolus, cap. 7, and a little head, out of Aristotle, high sanguine, red colour, shows head melancholy; they that stutter and are bald, will be soonest melancholy, (as Avicenna supposeth,) by reason of the dryness of their brains; but he that will know more of the several signs of humour and wits out of physiognomy, let him consult with old Adamantus and Polemus, that comment, or rather paraphrase upon Aristotle’s Physiognomy, Baptista Porta’s four pleasant books, Michael Scot de secretis naturae, John de Indagine, Montaltus, Antony Zara. anat. ingeniorum, sect. 1. memb. 13. et lib. 4.

Chiromancy hath these aphorisms to foretell melancholy, Tasneir. lib. 5. cap. 2, who hath comprehended the sum of John de Indagine:  Tricassus, Corvinus, and others in his book, thus hath it; [1295]"The Saturnine line going from the rascetta through the hand, to Saturn’s mount, and there intersected by certain little lines, argues melancholy; so if the vital and natural make an acute angle, Aphorism 100.  The saturnine, hepatic, and natural lines, making a gross triangle in the hand, argue as much;” which Goclenius, cap. 5.  Chiros. repeats verbatim out of him.  In general they conclude all, that if Saturn’s mount be full of many small lines and intersections, [1296]"such men are most part melancholy, miserable and full of disquietness, care and trouble, continually vexed with anxious and bitter thoughts, always sorrowful, fearful, suspicious; they delight in husbandry, buildings, pools, marshes, springs, woods, walks,” &c.  Thaddaeus Haggesius, in his Metoposcopia, hath certain aphorisms derived from Saturn’s lines in the forehead, by which he collects a melancholy disposition; and [1297]Baptista Porta makes observations from those other parts of the body, as if a spot be over the

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SUBSECT.  V.—­Old age a cause.

Secondary peculiar causes efficient, so called in respect of the other precedent, are either congenitae, internae, innatae, as they term them, inward, innate, inbred; or else outward and adventitious, which happen to us after we are born:  congenite or born with us, are either natural, as old age, or praeter naturam (as [1299]Fernelius calls it) that distemperature, which we have from our parent’s seed, it being an hereditary disease.  The first of these, which is natural to all, and which no man living can avoid, is [1300]old age, which being cold and dry, and of the same quality as melancholy is, must needs cause it, by diminution of spirits and substance, and increasing of adust humours; therefore [1301] Melancthon avers out of Aristotle, as an undoubted truth, Senes plerunque delirasse in senecta, that old men familiarly dote, ob atram bilem, for black choler, which is then superabundant in them:  and Rhasis, that Arabian physician, in his Cont. lib. 1. cap. 9, calls it [1302]"a necessary and inseparable accident,” to all old and decrepit persons.  After seventy years (as the Psalmist saith) [1303]"all is trouble and sorrow;” and common experience confirms the truth of it in weak and old persons, especially such as have lived in action all their lives, had great employment, much business, much command, and many servants to oversee, and leave off ex abrupto; as [1304]Charles the Fifth did to King Philip, resign up all on a sudden; they are overcome with melancholy in an instant:  or if they do continue in such courses, they dote at last, (senex bis puer,) and are not able to manage their estates through common infirmities incident in their age; full of ache, sorrow and grief, children again, dizzards, they carl many times as they sit, and talk to themselves, they are

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SUBSECT.  VI.—­Parents a cause by Propagation.

That other inward inbred cause of Melancholy is our temperature, in whole or part, which we receive from our parents, which [1312]Fernelius calls Praeter naturam, or unnatural, it being an hereditary disease; for as he justifies [1313]_Quale parentum maxime patris semen obtigerit, tales evadunt similares spermaticaeque paries, quocunque etiam morbo Pater quum generat tenetur, cum semine transfert, in Prolem_; such as the temperature of the father is, such is the son’s, and look what disease the father had when he begot him, his son will have after him; [1314]"and is as well inheritor of his infirmities, as of his lands.  And where the complexion and constitution of the father is corrupt, there ([1315]saith Roger Bacon) the complexion and constitution of the son must needs be corrupt, and so the corruption is derived from the father to the son.”  Now this doth not so much appear in the composition of the body, according to that of Hippocrates, [1316]"in habit, proportion, scars, and other lineaments; but in manners and conditions of the mind,” Et patrum in natos abeunt cum semine mores.

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Seleucus had an anchor on his thigh, so had his posterity, as Trogus records, lib. 15. Lepidus, in Pliny l. 7. c. 17, was purblind, so was his son.  That famous family of Aenobarbi were known of old, and so surnamed from their red beards; the Austrian lip, and those Indian flat noses are propagated, the Bavarian chin, and goggle eyes amongst the Jews, as [1317] Buxtorfius observes; their voice, pace, gesture, looks, are likewise derived with all the rest of their conditions and infirmities; such a mother, such a daughter; their very [1318]affections Lemnius contends “to follow their seed, and the malice and bad conditions of children are many times wholly to be imputed to their parents;” I need not therefore make any doubt of Melancholy, but that it is an hereditary disease. [1319] Paracelsus in express words affirms it, lib. de morb. amentium to. 4. tr. 1; so doth [1320]Crato in an Epistle of his to Monavius.  So doth Bruno Seidelius in his book de morbo incurab. Montaltus proves, cap. 11, out of Hippocrates and Plutarch, that such hereditary dispositions are frequent, et hanc (inquit) fieri reor ob participatam melancholicam intemperantiam (speaking of a patient) I think he became so by participation of Melancholy.  Daniel Sennertus, lib. 1. part 2. cap. 9, will have his melancholy constitution derived not only from the father to the son, but to the whole family sometimes; Quandoque totis familiis hereditativam, [1321]Forestus, in his medicinal observations, illustrates this point, with an example of a merchant, his patient, that had this infirmity by inheritance; so doth Rodericus a Fonseca, tom. 1. consul. 69, by an instance of a young man that was so affected ex matre melancholica, had a melancholy mother, et victu melancholico, and bad diet together.  Ludovicus Mercatus, a Spanish physician, in that excellent Tract which he hath lately written of hereditary diseases, tom. 2. oper. lib. 5, reckons up leprosy, as those [1322]Galbots in Gascony, hereditary lepers, pox, stone, gout, epilepsy, &c.  Amongst the rest, this and madness after a set time comes to many, which he calls a miraculous thing in nature, and sticks for ever to them as an incurable habit.  And that which is more to be wondered at, it skips in some families the father, and goes to the son, [1323]"or takes every other, and sometimes every third in a lineal descent, and doth not always produce the same, but some like, and a symbolizing disease.”  These secondary causes hence derived, are commonly so powerful, that (as [1324]Wolfius holds) saepe mutant decreta siderum, they do often alter the primary causes, and decrees of the heavens.  For these reasons, belike, the Church and commonwealth, human and Divine laws, have conspired to avoid hereditary diseases, forbidding such marriages as are any whit allied; and as Mercatus adviseth all families to take such, si fieri possit quae maxime distant natura,

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Filii ex senibus nati, raro sunt firmi temperamenti, old men’s children are seldom of a good temperament, as Scoltzius supposeth, consult. 177, and therefore most apt to this disease; and as [1327]Levinus Lemnius farther adds, old men beget most part wayward, peevish, sad, melancholy sons, and seldom merry.  He that begets a child on a full stomach, will either have a sick child, or a crazed son (as [1328]Cardan thinks), contradict. med. lib. 1. contradict. 18, or if the parents be sick, or have any great pain of the head, or megrim, headache, (Hieronymus Wolfius [1329]doth instance in a child of Sebastian Castalio’s); if a drunken man get a child, it will never likely have a good brain, as Gellius argues, lib. 12. cap. 1. Ebrii gignunt Ebrios, one drunkard begets another, saith [1330]Plutarch, symp. lib. 1. quest. 5, whose sentence [1331]Lemnius approves, l. 1. c. 4. Alsarius Crutius, Gen. de qui sit med. cent. 3. fol. 182. Macrobius, lib. 1. Avicenna, lib. 3.  Fen. 21.  Tract 1. cap. 8, and Aristotle himself, sect. 2. prob. 4, foolish, drunken, or hair-brain women, most part bring forth children like unto themselves, morosos et languidos, and so likewise he that lies with a menstruous woman. Intemperantia veneris, quam in nautis praesertim insectatur [1332] Lemnius, qui uxores ineunt, nulla menstrui decursus ratione habita nec observato interlunio, praecipua causa est, noxia, pernitiosa, concubitum hunc exitialem ideo, et pestiferum vocat. [1333]Rodoricus a Castro Lucitanus, detestantur

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Some other causes are given, which properly pertain, and do proceed from the mother:  if she be over-dull, heavy, angry, peevish, discontented, and melancholy, not only at the time of conception, but even all the while she carries the child in her womb (saith Fernelius, path. l. 1, 11) her son will be so likewise affected, and worse, as [1339]Lemnius adds, l. 4. c. 7, if she grieve overmuch, be disquieted, or by any casualty be affrighted and terrified by some

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So many several ways are we plagued and punished for our father’s defaults; insomuch that as Fernelius truly saith, [1343]"It is the greatest part of our felicity to be well born, and it were happy for human kind, if only such parents as are sound of body and mind should be suffered to marry.”  An husbandman will sow none but the best and choicest seed upon his land, he will not rear a bull or a horse, except he be right shapen in all parts, or permit him to cover a mare, except he be well assured of his breed; we make choice of the best rams for our sheep, rear the neatest kine, and keep the best dogs, Quanto id diligentius in procreandis liberis observandum?  And how careful then should we be in begetting of our children?  In former times some [1344]countries have been so chary in this behalf, so stern, that if a child were crooked or deformed in body or mind, they made him away; so did the Indians of old by the relation of Curtius, and many other well-governed commonwealths, according to the discipline of those times.  Heretofore in Scotland, saith [1345]Hect.  Boethius, “if any were visited with the falling sickness, madness, gout, leprosy, or any such dangerous disease, which was likely to be propagated from the father to the son, he was instantly gelded; a woman kept from all company of men; and if by chance having some such disease, she were found to be with child, she with her brood were buried alive:”  and this was done for the common good, lest the whole nation should be injured or corrupted.  A severe doom you will say, and not to be used amongst Christians, yet more to be looked into than it is.  For now by our too much facility in this kind, in giving way for all to marry that will, too much liberty and indulgence

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MEMB.  II.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Bad Diet a cause.  Substance.  Quality of Meats.

According to my proposed method, having opened hitherto these secondary causes, which are inbred with us, I must now proceed to the outward and adventitious, which happen unto us after we are born.  And those are either evident, remote, or inward, antecedent, and the nearest:  continent causes some call them.  These outward, remote, precedent causes are subdivided again into necessary and not necessary.  Necessary (because we cannot avoid them, but they will alter us, as they are used, or abused) are those six non-natural things, so much spoken of amongst physicians, which are principal causes of this disease.  For almost in every consultation, whereas they shall come to speak of the causes, the fault is found, and this most part objected to the patient; Peccavit circa res sex non naturales:  he hath still offended in one of those six.  Montanus, consil. 22, consulted about a melancholy Jew, gives that sentence, so did Frisemelica in the same place; and in his 244 counsel, censuring a melancholy soldier, assigns that reason of his malady, [1347]"he offended in all those six non-natural things, which were the outward causes, from which came those inward obstructions;” and so in the rest.

These six non-natural things are diet, retention and evacuation, which are more material than the other because they make new matter, or else are conversant in keeping or expelling of it.  The other four are air, exercise, sleeping, waking, and perturbations of the mind, which only alter the matter.  The first of these is diet, which consists in meat and drink, and causeth melancholy, as it offends in substance, or accidents, that is, quantity, quality, or the like.  And well it may be called a material cause, since that, as [1348]Fernelius holds, “it hath such a power in begetting of diseases, and yields the matter and sustenance of them; for neither air, nor perturbations, nor any of those other evident causes take place, or work this effect, except the constitution of body, and preparation of humours, do concur.  That a man may say, this diet is the mother of diseases, let the father be what he will, and from this alone,

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Beef.] Beef, a strong and hearty meat (cold in the first degree, dry in the second, saith Gal. l. 3. c. 1. de alim. fac.) is condemned by him and all succeeding Authors, to breed gross melancholy blood:  good for such as are sound, and of a strong constitution, for labouring men if ordered aright, corned, young, of an ox (for all gelded meats in every species are held best), or if old, [1350]such as have been tired out with labour, are preferred.  Aubanus and Sabellicus commend Portugal beef to be the most savoury, best and easiest of digestion; we commend ours:  but all is rejected, and unfit for such as lead a resty life, any ways inclined to melancholy, or dry of complexion:  Tales (Galen thinks) de facile melancholicis aegritudinibus capiuntur.

Pork.] Pork, of all meats, is most nutritive in his own nature, [1351] but altogether unfit for such as live at ease, are any ways unsound of body or mind:  too moist, full of humours, and therefore noxia delicatis, saith Savanarola, ex earum usu ut dubitetur an febris quartana generetur:  naught for queasy stomachs, insomuch that frequent use of it may breed a quartan ague.

Goat.] Savanarola discommends goat’s flesh, and so doth [1352]Bruerinus, l. 13. c. 19, calling it a filthy beast, and rammish:  and therefore supposeth it will breed rank and filthy substance; yet kid, such as are young and tender, Isaac accepts, Bruerinus and Galen, l. 1. c. 1. de alimentorum facultatibus.

Hart.] Hart and red deer [1353]hath an evil name:  it yields gross nutriment:  a strong and great grained meat, next unto a horse.  Which although some countries eat, as Tartars, and they of China; yet [1354] Galen condemns.  Young foals are as commonly eaten in Spain as red deer, and to furnish their navies, about Malaga especially, often used; but such meats ask long baking, or seething, to qualify them, and yet all will not serve.

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Venison, Fallow Deer.] All venison is melancholy, and begets bad blood; a pleasant meat:  in great esteem with us (for we have more parks in England than there are in all Europe besides) in our solemn feasts.  ’Tis somewhat better hunted than otherwise, and well prepared by cookery; but generally bad, and seldom to be used.

Hare.] Hare, a black meat, melancholy, and hard of digestion, it breeds incubus, often eaten, and causeth fearful dreams, so doth all venison, and is condemned by a jury of physicians.  Mizaldus and some others say, that hare is a merry meat, and that it will make one fair, as Martial’s epigram testifies to Gellia; but this is per accidens, because of the good sport it makes, merry company and good discourse that is commonly at the eating of it, and not otherwise to be understood.

Conies.] [1355]Conies are of the nature of hares.  Magninus compares them to beef, pig, and goat, Reg. sanit. part. 3. c. 17; yet young rabbits by all men are approved to be good.

Generally, all such meats as are hard of digestion breed melancholy.  Areteus, lib. 7. cap. 5, reckons up heads and feet, [1356]bowels, brains, entrails, marrow, fat, blood, skins, and those inward parts, as heart, lungs, liver, spleen, &c.  They are rejected by Isaac, lib. 2. part. 3, Magninus, part. 3. cap. 17, Bruerinus, lib. 12, Savanarola, Rub. 32.  Tract. 2.

Milk.] Milk, and all that comes of milk, as butter and cheese, curds, &c., increase melancholy (whey only excepted, which is most wholesome):  [1357]some except asses’ milk.  The rest, to such as are sound, is nutritive and good, especially for young children, but because soon turned to corruption, [1358]not good for those that have unclean stomachs, are subject to headache, or have green wounds, stone, &c.  Of all cheeses, I take that kind which we call Banbury cheese to be the best, ex vetustis pessimus, the older, stronger, and harder, the worst, as Langius discourseth in his Epistle to Melancthon, cited by Mizaldus, Isaac, p. 5.  Gal. 3. de cibis boni succi. &c.

Fowl.] Amongst fowl, [1359]peacocks and pigeons, all fenny fowl are forbidden, as ducks, geese, swans, herons, cranes, coots, didappers, water-hens, with all those teals, curs, sheldrakes, and peckled fowls, that come hither in winter out of Scandia, Muscovy, Greenland, Friesland, which half the year are covered all over with snow, and frozen up.  Though these be fair in feathers, pleasant in taste, and have a good outside, like hypocrites, white in plumes, and soft, their flesh is hard, black, unwholesome, dangerous, melancholy meat; Gravant et putrefaciant stomachum, saith Isaac, part. 5. de vol., their young ones are more tolerable, but young pigeons he quite disapproves.

Fishes.] Rhasis and [1360]Magninus discommend all fish, and say, they breed viscosities, slimy nutriment, little and humorous nourishment.  Savanarola adds, cold, moist:  and phlegmatic, Isaac; and therefore unwholesome for all cold and melancholy complexions:  others make a difference, rejecting only amongst freshwater fish, eel, tench, lamprey, crawfish (which Bright approves, cap. 6), and such as are bred in muddy and standing waters, and have a taste of mud, as Franciscus Bonsuetus poetically defines, Lib. de aquatilibus.

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       “Nam pisces omnes, qui stagna, lacusque frequentant,
        Semper plus succi deterioris habent.”

       “All fish, that standing pools, and lakes frequent,
        Do ever yield bad juice and nourishment.”

Lampreys, Paulus Jovius, c. 34. de piscibus fluvial., highly magnifies, and saith, None speak against them, but inepti et scrupulosi, some scrupulous persons; but [1361]eels, c. 33, “he abhorreth in all places, at all times, all physicians detest them, especially about the solstice.”  Gomesius, lib. 1. c. 22, de sale, doth immoderately extol sea-fish, which others as much vilify, and above the rest, dried, soused, indurate fish, as ling, fumados, red-herrings, sprats, stock-fish, haberdine, poor-John, all shellfish. [1362]Tim.  Bright excepts lobster and crab.  Messarius commends salmon, which Bruerinus contradicts, lib. 22. c. 17. Magninus rejects conger, sturgeon, turbot, mackerel, skate.

Carp is a fish of which I know not what to determine.  Franciscus Bonsuetus accounts it a muddy fish.  Hippolitus Salvianus, in his Book de Piscium natura et praeparatione, which was printed at Rome in folio, 1554, with most elegant pictures, esteems carp no better than a slimy watery meat.  Paulus Jovius on the other side, disallowing tench, approves of it; so doth Dubravius in his Books of Fishponds.  Freitagius [1363]extols it for an excellent wholesome meat, and puts it amongst the fishes of the best rank; and so do most of our country gentlemen, that store their ponds almost with no other fish.  But this controversy is easily decided, in my judgment, by Bruerinus, l. 22. c. 13. The difference riseth from the site and nature of pools, [1364]sometimes muddy, sometimes sweet; they are in taste as the place is from whence they be taken.  In like manner almost we may conclude of other fresh fish.  But see more in Rondoletius, Bellonius, Oribasius, lib. 7. cap. 22, Isaac, l. 1, especially Hippolitus Salvianus, who is instar omnium solus, &c.  Howsoever they may be wholesome and approved, much use of them is not good; P. Forestus, in his medicinal observations, [1365]relates, that Carthusian friars, whose living is most part fish, are more subject to melancholy than any other order, and that he found by experience, being sometimes their physician ordinary at Delft, in Holland.  He exemplifies it with an instance of one Buscodnese, a Carthusian of a ruddy colour, and well liking, that by solitary living, and fish-eating, became so misaffected.

Herbs.] Amongst herbs to be eaten I find gourds, cucumbers, coleworts, melons, disallowed, but especially cabbage.  It causeth troublesome dreams, and sends up black vapours to the brain.  Galen, loc. affect. l. 3. c. 6, of all herbs condemns cabbage; and Isaac, lib. 2. c. 1. Animae gravitatem facit, it brings heaviness to the soul.  Some are of opinion that all raw herbs and salads breed melancholy blood, except bugloss and lettuce.  Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2, speaks against all herbs and worts, except borage, bugloss, fennel, parsley, dill, balm, succory.  Magninus, regim. sanitatis, part. 3. cap. 31. Omnes herbae simpliciter malae, via cibi; all herbs are simply evil to feed on (as he thinks).  So did that scoffing cook in [1366]Plautus hold: 

Page 187

       “Non ego coenam condio ut alii coqui solent,
        Qui mihi condita prata in patinis proferunt,
        Boves qui convivas faciunt, herbasque aggerunt.”

       “Like other cooks I do not supper dress,
          That put whole meadows into a platter,
        And make no better of their guests than beeves,
          With herbs and grass to feed them fatter.”

Our Italians and Spaniards do make a whole dinner of herbs and salads (which our said Plautus calls coenas terrestras, Horace, coenas sine sanguine), by which means, as he follows it,

[1367] “Hic homines tam brevem vitam colunt------
Qui herbas hujusmodi in alvum suum congerunt,
Formidolosum dictu, non esu modo,
Quas herbas pecudes non edunt, homines edunt.”

       “Their lives, that eat such herbs, must needs be short,
        And ’tis a fearful thing for to report,
        That men should feed on such a kind of meat,
        Which very juments would refuse to eat.”

[1368]They are windy, and not fit therefore to be eaten of all men raw, though qualified with oil, but in broths, or otherwise.  See more of these in every [1369]husbandman, and herbalist.

Roots.] Roots, Etsi quorundam gentium opes sint, saith Bruerinus, the wealth of some countries, and sole food, are windy and bad, or troublesome to the head:  as onions, garlic, scallions, turnips, carrots, radishes, parsnips:  Crato, lib. 2. consil. 11, disallows all roots, though [1370] some approve of parsnips and potatoes. [1371]Magninus is of Crato’s opinion, [1372]"They trouble the mind, sending gross fumes to the brain, make men mad,” especially garlic, onions, if a man liberally feed on them a year together.  Guianerius, tract. 15. cap. 2, complains of all manner of roots, and so doth Bruerinus, even parsnips themselves, which are the best, Lib. 9. cap. 14.

Fruits.] Pastinacarum usus succos gignit improbos.  Crato, consil. 21. lib. 1, utterly forbids all manner of fruits, as pears, apples, plums, cherries, strawberries, nuts, medlars, serves, &c. Sanguinem inficiunt, saith Villanovanus, they infect the blood, and putrefy it, Magninus holds, and must not therefore be taken via cibi, aut quantitate magna, not to make a meal of, or in any great quantity. [1373]Cardan makes that a cause of their continual sickness at Fessa in Africa, “because they live so much on fruits, eating them thrice a day.”  Laurentius approves of many fruits, in his Tract of Melancholy, which others disallow, and amongst the rest apples, which some likewise commend, sweetings, pearmains, pippins, as good against melancholy; but to him that is any way inclined to, or touched with this malady, [1374]Nicholas Piso in his Practics, forbids all fruits, as windy, or to be sparingly eaten at least, and not raw.  Amongst other fruits, [1375]Bruerinus, out of Galen, excepts grapes and figs, but I find them likewise rejected.

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Pulse.] All pulse are naught, beans, peas, vetches, &c., they fill the brain (saith Isaac) with gross fumes, breed black thick blood, and cause troublesome dreams.  And therefore, that which Pythagoras said to his scholars of old, may be for ever applied to melancholy men, A fabis abstinete, eat no peas, nor beans; yet to such as will needs eat them, I would give this counsel, to prepare them according to those rules that Arnoldus Villanovanus, and Frietagius prescribe, for eating, and dressing. fruits, herbs, roots, pulse, &c.

Spices.] Spices cause hot and head melancholy, and are for that cause forbidden by our physicians to such men as are inclined to this malady, as pepper, ginger, cinnamon, cloves, mace, dates, &c. honey and sugar. [1376] Some except honey; to those that are cold, it may be tolerable, but [1377] Dulcia se in bilem vertunt, (sweets turn into bile,) they are obstructive.  Crato therefore forbids all spice, in a consultation of his, for a melancholy schoolmaster, Omnia aromatica et quicquid sanguinem adurit:  so doth Fernelius, consil. 45. Guianerius, tract 15. cap. 2. Mercurialis, cons. 189. To these I may add all sharp and sour things, luscious and over-sweet, or fat, as oil, vinegar, verjuice, mustard, salt; as sweet things are obstructive, so these are corrosive.  Gomesius, in his books, de sale, l. 1. c. 21, highly commends salt; so doth Codronchus in his tract, de sale Absynthii, Lemn. l. 3. c. 9. de occult, nat. mir. yet common experience finds salt, and salt-meats, to be great procurers of this disease.  And for that cause belike those Egyptian priests abstained from salt, even so much, as in their bread, ut sine perturbatione anima esset, saith mine author, that their souls might be free from perturbations.

Bread.] Bread that is made of baser grain, as peas, beans, oats, rye, or [1378]over-hard baked, crusty, and black, is often spoken against, as causing melancholy juice and wind.  Joh.  Mayor, in the first book of his History of Scotland, contends much for the wholesomeness of oaten bread:  it was objected to him then living at Paris in France, that his countrymen fed on oats, and base grain, as a disgrace; but he doth ingenuously confess, Scotland, Wales, and a third part of England, did most part use that kind of bread, that it was as wholesome as any grain, and yielded as good nourishment.  And yet Wecker out of Galen calls it horsemeat, and fitter for juments than men to feed on.  But read Galen himself, Lib. 1.  De cibis boni et mali succi, more largely discoursing of corn and bread.

Page 189

Wine.] All black wines, over-hot, compound, strong thick drinks, as Muscadine, Malmsey, Alicant, Rumney, Brownbastard, Metheglen, and the like, of which they have thirty several kinds in Muscovy, all such made drinks are hurtful in this case, to such as are hot, or of a sanguine choleric complexion, young, or inclined to head-melancholy.  For many times the drinking of wine alone causeth it.  Arculanus, c. 16. in 9.  Rhasis, puts in [1379]wine for a great cause, especially if it be immoderately used.  Guianerius, tract. 15. c. 2, tells a story of two Dutchmen, to whom he gave entertainment in his house, “that [1380]in one month’s space were both melancholy by drinking of wine, one did nought but sing, the other sigh.”  Galen, l. de causis morb. c. 3. Matthiolus on Dioscorides, and above all other Andreas Bachius, l. 3. 18, 19, 20, have reckoned upon those inconveniences that come by wine:  yet notwithstanding all this, to such as are cold, or sluggish melancholy, a cup of wine is good physic, and so doth Mercurialis grant, consil. 25, in that case, if the temperature be cold, as to most melancholy men it is, wine is much commended, if it be moderately used.

Cider, Perry.] Cider and perry are both cold and windy drinks, and for that cause to be neglected, and so are all those hot spiced strong drinks.

Beer.] Beer, if it be over-new or over-stale, over-strong, or not sodden, smell of the cask, sharp, or sour, is most unwholesome, frets, and galls, &c.  Henricus Ayrerus, in a [1381]consultation of his, for one that laboured of hypochondriacal melancholy, discommends beer.  So doth [1382] Crato in that excellent counsel of his, Lib. 2. consil. 21, as too windy, because of the hop.  But he means belike that thick black Bohemian beer used in some other parts of [1383]Germany.

------“nil spissius illa
Dum bibitur, nil clarius est dum mingitur, unde
Constat, quod multas faeces in corpore linquat.”

       “Nothing comes in so thick,
        Nothing goes out so thin,
        It must needs follow then
        The dregs are left within.”

As that [1384]old poet scoffed, calling it Stygiae monstrum conforme paludi, a monstrous drink, like the river Styx.  But let them say as they list, to such as are accustomed unto it, “’tis a most wholesome” (so [1385] Polydore Virgil calleth it) “and a pleasant drink,” it is more subtle and better, for the hop that rarefies it, hath an especial virtue against melancholy, as our herbalists confess, Fuchsius approves, Lib. 2. sec. 2. instit. cap. 11, and many others.

Page 190

Waters] Standing waters, thick and ill-coloured, such as come forth of pools, and moats, where hemp hath been steeped, or slimy fishes live, are most unwholesome, putrefied, and full of mites, creepers, slimy, muddy, unclean, corrupt, impure, by reason of the sun’s heat, and still-standing; they cause foul distemperatures in the body and mind of man, are unfit to make drink of, to dress meat with, or to be [1386]used about men inwardly or outwardly.  They are good for many domestic uses, to wash horses, water cattle, &c., or in time of necessity, but not otherwise.  Some are of opinion, that such fat standing waters make the best beer, and that seething doth defecate it, as [1387]Cardan holds, Lib. 13. subtil. “It mends the substance, and savour of it,” but it is a paradox.  Such beer may be stronger, but not so wholesome as the other, as [1388]Jobertus truly justifieth out of Galen, Paradox, dec. 1.  Paradox 5, that the seething of such impure waters doth not purge or purify them, Pliny, lib. 31. c. 3, is of the same tenet, and P. Crescentius, agricult. lib. 1. et lib. 4. c. 11. et c. 45. Pamphilius Herilachus, l. 4. de not. aquarum, such waters are naught, not to be used, and by the testimony of [1389]Galen, “breed agues, dropsies, pleurisies, splenetic and melancholy passions, hurt the eyes, cause a bad temperature, and ill disposition of the whole body, with bad colour.”  This Jobertus stiffly maintains, Paradox, lib. 1. part. 5, that it causeth blear eyes, bad colour, and many loathsome diseases to such as use it:  this which they say, stands with good reason; for as geographers relate, the water of Astracan breeds worms in such as drink it. [1390] Axius, or as now called Verduri, the fairest river in Macedonia, makes all cattle black that taste of it.  Aleacman now Peleca, another stream in Thessaly, turns cattle most part white, si polui ducas, L. Aubanus Rohemus refers that [1391]struma or poke of the Bavarians and Styrians to the nature of their waters, as [1392]Munster doth that of Valesians in the Alps, and [1393]Bodine supposeth the stuttering of some families in Aquitania, about Labden, to proceed from the same cause, “and that the filth is derived from the water to their bodies.”  So that they that use filthy, standing, ill-coloured, thick, muddy water, must needs have muddy, ill-coloured, impure, and infirm bodies.  And because the body works upon the mind, they shall have grosser understandings, dull, foggy, melancholy spirits, and be really subject to all manner of infirmities.

To these noxious simples, we may reduce an infinite number of compound, artificial, made dishes, of which our cooks afford us a great variety, as tailors do fashions in our apparel.  Such are [1394]puddings stuffed with blood, or otherwise composed; baked, meats, soused indurate meats, fried and broiled buttered meats; condite, powdered, and over-dried, [1395]all cakes, simnels, buns, cracknels made with butter, spice,

Page 191

SUBSECT.  II.—­Quantity of Diet a Cause.

There is not so much harm proceeding from the substance itself of meat, and quality of it, in ill-dressing and preparing, as there is from the quantity, disorder of time and place, unseasonable use of it, [1397] intemperance, overmuch, or overlittle taking of it.  A true saying it is, Plures crapula quam gladius.  This gluttony kills more than the sword, this omnivorantia et homicida gula, this all-devouring and murdering gut.  And that of [1398]Pliny is truer, “Simple diet is the best; heaping up of several meats is pernicious, and sauces worse; many dishes bring many diseases.” [1399]Avicen cries out, “That nothing is worse than to feed on many dishes, or to protract the time of meats longer than ordinary; from thence proceed our infirmities, and ’tis the fountain of all diseases, which arise out of the repugnancy of gross humours.”  Thence, saith [1400] Fernelius, come crudities, wind, oppilations, cacochymia, plethora, cachexia, bradiopepsia, [1401]_Hinc subitae, mortes, atque intestata senectus_, sudden death, &c., and what not.

As a lamp is choked with a multitude of oil, or a little fire with overmuch wood quite extinguished, so is the natural heat with immoderate eating, strangled in the body. Pernitiosa sentina est abdomen insaturabile:  one saith, An insatiable paunch is a pernicious sink, and the fountain of all diseases, both of body and mind. [1402]Mercurialis will have it a peculiar cause of this private disease; Solenander, consil. 5. sect. 3, illustrates this of Mercurialis, with an example of one so melancholy, ab intempestivis commessationibus, unseasonable feasting. [1403]Crato confirms as much, in that often cited counsel, 21. lib. 2, putting superfluous eating for a main cause.  But what need I seek farther for proofs?  Hear [1404]Hippocrates himself, lib. 2. aphor. 10, “Impure bodies the more they are nourished, the more they are hurt, for the nourishment is putrefied with vicious humours.”

Page 192

And yet for all this harm, which apparently follows surfeiting and drunkenness, see how we luxuriate and rage in this kind; read what Johannes Stuckius hath written lately of this subject, in his great volume De Antiquorum Conviviis, and of our present age; Quam [1405]portentosae coenae, prodigious suppers, [1406]_Qui dum invitant ad coenam efferunt ad sepulchrum_, what Fagos, Epicures, Apetios, Heliogables, our times afford?  Lucullus’ ghost walks still, and every man desires to sup in Apollo; Aesop’s costly dish is ordinarily served up. [1407]_Magis illa juvant, quae pluris emuntur_.  The dearest cates are best, and ’tis an ordinary thing to bestow twenty or thirty pounds on a dish, some thousand crowns upon a dinner:  [1408]Mully-Hamet, king of Fez and Morocco, spent three pounds on the sauce of a capon:  it is nothing in our times, we scorn all that is cheap.  “We loathe the very [1409]light” (some of us, as Seneca notes) “because it comes free, and we are offended with the sun’s heat, and those cool blasts, because we buy them not.”  This air we breathe is so common, we care not for it; nothing pleaseth but what is dear.  And if we be [1410]witty in anything, it is ad gulam:  If we study at all, it is erudito luxu, to please the palate, and to satisfy the gut.  “A cook of old was a base knave” (as [1411]Livy complains), “but now a great man in request; cookery is become an art, a noble science:  cooks are gentlemen:”  Venter Deus:  They wear “their brains in their bellies, and their guts in their heads,” as [1412]Agrippa taxed some parasites of his time, rushing on their own destruction, as if a man should run upon the point of a sword, usque dum rumpantur comedunt, “They eat till they burst:”  [1413]All day, all night, let the physician say what he will, imminent danger, and feral diseases are now ready to seize upon them, that will eat till they vomit, Edunt ut vomant, vomut ut edant, saith Seneca; which Dion relates of Vitellius, Solo transitu ciborum nutriri judicatus:  His meat did pass through and away, or till they burst again. [1414]_Strage animantium ventrem onerant_, and rake over all the world, as so many [1415]slaves, belly-gods, and land-serpents, Et totus orbis ventri nimis angustus, the whole world cannot satisfy their appetite. [1416]"Sea, land, rivers, lakes, &c., may not give content to their raging guts.”  To make up the mess, what immoderate drinking in every place? Senem potum pota trahebat anus, how they flock to the tavern:  as if they were fruges consumere nati, born to no other end but to eat and drink, like Offellius Bibulus, that famous Roman parasite, Qui dum vixit, aut bibit aut minxit; as so many casks to hold wine, yea worse than a cask, that mars wine, and itself is not marred by it, yet these are brave men, Silenus Ebrius was no braver. Et quae fuerunt vitia, mores sunt:  ’tis now the fashion of our times, an honour:  Nunc vero res ista eo rediit

Page 193

       “Nosque ubi primus equis oriens afflavit anhelis,
        Illis sera rubens ascendit lumina vesper.”

So did Petronius in Tacitus, Heliogabalus in Lampridius.

[1418]  ------“Noctes vigilibat ad ipsum
Mane, diem totum stertebat?”------

------“He drank the night away
Till rising dawn, then snored out all the day.”

Snymdiris the Sybarite never saw the sun rise or set so much as once in twenty years.  Verres, against whom Tully so much inveighs, in winter he never was extra tectum vix extra lectum, never almost out of bed, [1419] still wenching and drinking; so did he spend his time, and so do myriads in our days.  They have gymnasia bibonum, schools and rendezvous; these centaurs and Lapithae toss pots and bowls as so many balls; invent new tricks, as sausages, anchovies, tobacco, caviar, pickled oysters, herrings, fumados, &c.:  innumerable salt meats to increase their appetite, and study how to hurt themselves by taking antidotes [1420]"to carry their drink the better; [1421]and when nought else serves, they will go forth, or be conveyed out, to empty their gorge, that they may return to drink afresh.”  They make laws, insanas leges, contra bibendi fallacias, and [1422]brag of it when they have done, crowning that man that is soonest gone, as their drunken predecessors have done, —­[1423]_quid ego video_?  Ps. Cum corona Pseudolum ebrium tuum—.  And when they are dead, will have a can of wine with

Page 194

[1428]  ------("ille impiger hausit
Spumantem vino pateram.”)

------“a thirsty soul;
He took challenge and embrac’d the bowl;
With pleasure swill’d the gold, nor ceased to draw
Till he the bottom of the brimmer saw.”

and comes off clearly, sound trumpets, fife and drums, the spectators will applaud him, “the [1429]bishop himself (if he belie them not) with his chaplain will stand by and do as much,” O dignum principe haustum, ’twas done like a prince.  “Our Dutchmen invite all comers with a pail and a dish,” Velut infundibula integras obbas exhauriunt, et in monstrosis poculis, ipsi monstrosi monstrosius epotant, “making barrels of their bellies.” Incredibile dictu, as [1430]one of their own countrymen complains:  [1431]_Quantum liquoris immodestissima gens capiat_, &c.  “How they love a man that will be drunk, crown him and honour him for it,” hate him that will not pledge him, stab him, kill him:  a most intolerable offence, and not to be forgiven. [1432]"He is a mortal enemy that will not drink with him,” as Munster relates of the Saxons.  So in Poland, he is the best servitor, and the honestest fellow, saith Alexander Gaguinus, [1433] “that drinketh most healths to the honour of his master, he shall be rewarded as a good servant, and held the bravest fellow that carries his liquor best,” when a brewer’s horse will bear much more than any sturdy drinker, yet for his noble exploits in this kind, he shall be accounted a most valiant man, for [1434]_Tam inter epulas fortis vir esse potest ac in bello_, as much valour is to be found in feasting as in fighting, and some of our city captains, and carpet knights will make this good, and prove it.  Thus they many times wilfully pervert the good temperature of their bodies, stifle their wits, strangle nature, and degenerate into beasts.

Some again are in the other extreme, and draw this mischief on their heads by too ceremonious and strict diet, being over-precise, cockney-like, and curious in their observation of meats, times, as that Medicina statica prescribes, just so many ounces at dinner, which Lessius enjoins, so much at supper, not a little more, nor a little less, of such meat, and at such hours, a diet-drink in the morning, cock-broth, China-broth,

Page 195

SUBSECT.  III.—­Custom of Diet, Delight, Appetite, Necessity, how they cause or hinder.

No rule is so general, which admits not some exception; to this, therefore, which hath been hitherto said, (for I shall otherwise put most men out of commons,) and those inconveniences which proceed from the substance of meats, an intemperate or unseasonable use of them, custom somewhat detracts and qualifies, according to that of Hippocrates, 2 Aphoris. 50. [1437] “Such things as we have been long accustomed to, though they be evil in their own nature, yet they are less offensive.”  Otherwise it might well be objected that it were a mere [1438]tyranny to live after those strict rules of physic; for custom [1439]doth alter nature itself, and to such as are used to them it makes bad meats wholesome, and unseasonable times to cause no disorder.  Cider and perry are windy drinks, so are all fruits windy in themselves, cold most part, yet in some shires of [1440]England, Normandy in France, Guipuscoa in Spain, ’tis their common drink, and they are no whit offended with it.  In Spain, Italy, and Africa, they live most on roots, raw herbs, camel’s [1441]milk, and it agrees well with them:  which to a stranger will cause much grievance.  In Wales, lacticiniis vescuntur, as Humphrey Llwyd confesseth, a Cambro-Briton himself, in his elegant epistle to Abraham Ortelius, they live most on white meats:  in Holland on fish, roots, [1442]butter; and so at this day in Greece, as [1443]Bellonius observes, they had much rather feed on fish than flesh.  With us, Maxima pars victus in carne consistit, we feed on flesh most part, saith [1444]Polydore Virgil, as all northern countries do; and it would be very offensive to us to live after their diet, or they to live after ours.  We drink beer, they wine; they use oil, we butter; we in the north are [1445]great eaters; they most sparing in those hotter countries; and yet they and we following our own customs are well pleased.  An Ethiopian of old seeing an European eat bread, wondered, quomodo stercoribus vescentes viverimus, how we could eat such kind of meats:  so much differed his countrymen from ours in diet, that as mine [1446]author infers, si quis illorum victum apud nos aemulari

Page 196

Page 197

Another exception is delight, or appetite, to such and such meats:  though they be hard of digestion, melancholy; yet as Fuchsius excepts, cap. 6. lib. 2.  Instit. sect. 2, [1463]"The stomach doth readily digest, and willingly entertain such meats we love most, and are pleasing to us, abhors on the other side such as we distaste.”  Which Hippocrates confirms, Aphoris. 2. 38. Some cannot endure cheese, out of a secret antipathy; or to see a roasted duck, which to others is a [1464]delightsome meat.

The last exception is necessity, poverty, want, hunger, which drives men many times to do that which otherwise they are loath, cannot endure, and thankfully to accept of it:  as beverage in ships, and in sieges of great cities, to feed on dogs, cats, rats, and men themselves.  Three outlaws in [1465]Hector Boethius, being driven to their shifts, did eat raw flesh, and flesh of such fowl as they could catch, in one of the Hebrides for some few months.  These things do mitigate or disannul that which hath been said of melancholy meats, and make it more tolerable; but to such as are wealthy, live plenteously, at ease, may take their choice, and refrain if they will, these viands are to be forborne, if they be inclined to, or suspect melancholy, as they tender their healths:  Otherwise if they be intemperate, or disordered in their diet, at their peril be it. Qui monet amat, Ave et cave.

       “He who advises is your friend
        Farewell, and to your health attend.”

SUBSECT.  IV.—­Retention and Evacuation a cause, and how.

Of retention and evacuation, there be divers kinds, which are either concomitant, assisting, or sole causes many times of melancholy. [1466] Galen reduceth defect and abundance to this head; others [1467]"All that is separated, or remains.”

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Costiveness.] In the first rank of these, I may well reckon up costiveness, and keeping in of our ordinary excrements, which as it often causeth other diseases, so this of melancholy in particular. [1468]Celsus, lib. 1. cap. 3, saith, “It produceth inflammation of the head, dullness, cloudiness, headache,” &c.  Prosper Calenus, lib. de atra bile, will have it distemper not the organ only, [1469]"but the mind itself by troubling of it:”  and sometimes it is a sole cause of madness, as you may read in the first book of [1470]Skenkius’s Medicinal Observations.  A young merchant going to Nordeling fair in Germany, for ten days’ space never went to stool; at his return he was [1471]grievously melancholy, thinking that he was robbed, and would not be persuaded but that all his money was gone; his friends thought he had some philtrum given him, but Cnelius, a physician, being sent for, found his [1472]costiveness alone to be the cause, and thereupon gave him a clyster, by which he was speedily recovered.  Trincavellius, consult. 35. lib. 1, saith as much of a melancholy lawyer, to whom he administered physic, and Rodericus a Fonseca, consult. 85. tom. 2, [1473]of a patient of his, that for eight days was bound, and therefore melancholy affected.  Other retentions and evacuations there are, not simply necessary, but at some times; as Fernelius accounts them, Path. lib. 1. cap. 15, as suppression of haemorrhoids, monthly issues in women, bleeding at nose, immoderate or no use at all of Venus:  or any other ordinary issues.

[1474]Detention of haemorrhoids, or monthly issues, Villanovanus Breviar. lib. 1. cap. 18. Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9.  Rhasis, Vittorius Faventinus, pract. mag. tract. 2. cap. 15. Bruel, &c. put for ordinary causes.  Fuchsius, l. 2. sect. 5. c. 30, goes farther, and saith, [1475]"That many men unseasonably cured of the haemorrhoids have been corrupted with melancholy, seeking to avoid Scylla, they fall into Charybdis.”  Galen, l. de hum. commen. 3. ad text. 26, illustrates this by an example of Lucius Martius, whom he cured of madness, contracted by this means:  And [1476] Skenkius hath two other instances of two melancholy and mad women, so caused from the suppression of their months.  The same may be said of bleeding at the nose, if it be suddenly stopped, and have been formerly used, as [1477]Villanovanus urgeth:  And [1478]Fuchsius, lib. 2. sect. 5. cap. 33, stiffly maintains, “That without great danger, such an issue may not be stayed.”

Venus omitted produceth like effects.  Mathiolus, epist. 5. l. penult., [1479]"avoucheth of his knowledge, that some through bashfulness abstained from venery, and thereupon became very heavy and dull; and some others that were very timorous, melancholy, and beyond all measure sad.”  Oribasius, med. collect. l. 6. c. 37, speaks of some, [1480]"That if they do not use carnal copulation, are continually

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Intemperate Venus is all but as bad in the other extreme.  Galen, l. 6. de mortis popular. sect. 5. text. 26, reckons up melancholy amongst those diseases which are [1488]"exasperated by venery:”  so doth Avicenna, 2, 3, c. 11. Oribasius, loc. citat. Ficinus, lib. 2. de sanitate tuenda.  Marsilius Cognatus, Montaltus, cap. 27. Guianerius, Tract. 3. cap. 2. Magninus, cap. 5. part.

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Any other evacuation stopped will cause it, as well as these above named, be it bile, [1492]ulcer, issue, &c.  Hercules de Saxonia, lib. 1. c. 16, and Gordonius, verify this out of their experience.  They saw one wounded in the head who as long as the sore was open, Lucida habuit mentis intervalla, was well; but when it was stopped, Rediit melancholia, his melancholy fit seized on him again.

Artificial evacuations are much like in effect, as hot houses, baths, bloodletting, purging, unseasonably and immoderately used. [1493]Baths dry too much, if used in excess, be they natural or artificial, and offend extreme hot, or cold; [1494]one dries, the other refrigerates overmuch.  Montanus, consil. 137, saith, they overheat the liver.  Joh.  Struthius, Stigmat. artis. l. 4. c. 9, contends, [1495]"that if one stay longer than ordinary at the bath, go in too oft, or at unseasonable times, he putrefies the humours in his body.”  To this purpose writes Magninus, l. 3. c. 5. Guianerius, Tract. 15. c. 21, utterly disallows all hot baths in melancholy adust. [1496]"I saw” (saith he) “a man that laboured of the gout, who to be freed of this malady came to the bath, and was instantly cured of his disease, but got another worse, and that was madness.”  But this judgment varies as the humour doth, in hot or cold:  baths may be good for one melancholy man, bad for another; that which will cure it in this party, may cause it in a second.

Phlebotomy.] Phlebotomy, many times neglected, may do much harm to the body, when there is a manifest redundance of bad humours, and melancholy blood; and when these humours heat and boil, if this be not used in time, the parties affected, so inflamed, are in great danger to be mad; but if it be unadvisedly, importunely, immoderately used, it doth as much harm by refrigerating the body, dulling the spirits, and consuming them:  as Joh. [1497]Curio in his 10th chapter well reprehends, such kind of letting blood doth more hurt than good:  [1498]"The humours rage much more than they did before, and is so far from avoiding melancholy, that it increaseth it, and weakeneth the sight.” [1499]Prosper Calenus observes as much of all phlebotomy, except they keep a very good

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Purging upward and downward, in abundance of bad humours omitted, may be for the worst; so likewise as in the precedent, if overmuch, too frequent or violent, it [1504]weakeneth their strength, saith Fuchsius, l. 2. sect., 2 c. 17, or if they be strong or able to endure physic, yet it brings them to an ill habit, they make their bodies no better than apothecaries’ shops, this and such like infirmities must needs follow.

SUBSECT.  V.—­Bad Air, a cause of Melancholy.

Air is a cause of great moment, in producing this, or any other disease, being that it is still taken into our bodies by respiration, and our more inner parts. [1505]"If it be impure and foggy, it dejects the spirits, and causeth diseases by infection of the heart,” as Paulus hath it, lib. 1. c. 49. Avicenna, lib. 1.  Gal. de san. tuenda.  Mercurialis, Montaltus, &c. [1506]Fernelius saith, “A thick air thickeneth the blood and humours.” [1507]Lemnius reckons up two main things most profitable, and most pernicious to our bodies; air and diet:  and this peculiar disease, nothing sooner causeth [1508](Jobertus holds) “than the air wherein we breathe and live.” [1509]Such as is the air, such be our spirits; and as our spirits, such are our humours.  It offends commonly if it be too [1510]hot and dry, thick, fuliginous, cloudy, blustering, or a tempestuous air.  Bodine in his fifth Book, De repub. cap. 1, 5, of his Method of History, proves that hot countries are most troubled with melancholy, and that there are therefore in Spain, Africa, and Asia Minor, great numbers of mad men, insomuch that they are compelled in all cities of note, to build peculiar hospitals for them.  Leo [1511]Afer, lib. 3. de Fessa urbe, Ortelius and Zuinger, confirm as much:  they are ordinarily so choleric in their speeches, that scarce two words pass without railing or chiding in common talk, and often quarrelling

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Cold air in the other extreme is almost as bad as hot, and so doth Montaltus esteem of it, c. 11, if it be dry withal.  In those northern countries, the people are therefore generally dull, heavy, and many witches, which (as I have before quoted) Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus, Baptista Porta ascribe to melancholy.  But these cold climes are more subject to natural melancholy (not this artificial) which is cold and dry:  for which cause [1525]Mercurius Britannicus belike puts melancholy men to inhabit just under the Pole.  The worst of the three is a [1526]thick, cloudy, misty, foggy air, or such as come from fens, moorish grounds, lakes, muck-hills, draughts, sinks, where any carcasses, or carrion lies, or from whence any stinking fulsome smell comes:  Galen, Avicenna, Mercurialis, new and old physicians, hold that such air is unwholesome, and engenders melancholy, plagues, and what not? [1527]Alexandretta, an haven-town in the Mediterranean Sea, Saint John de Ulloa, an haven in Nova-Hispania, are much condemned for a bad air, so are Durazzo in Albania, Lithuania, Ditmarsh, Pomptinae Paludes in Italy, the territories about Pisa, Ferrara, &c.  Romney Marsh with us; the Hundreds in Essex, the fens in Lincolnshire.  Cardan, de rerum varietate, l. 17, c. 96, finds fault with the sight of those rich, and most populous cities in the Low Countries, as Bruges, Ghent, Amsterdam, Leiden, Utrecht, &c. the air is bad; and so at Stockholm in Sweden; Regium in Italy, Salisbury with us, Hull and Lynn:  they may be commodious for navigation, this new kind of fortification, and many other good necessary uses; but are they so wholesome?  Old Rome hath descended from the hills to the valley, ’tis the site of most of our new cities, and held best to build in plains, to take the opportunity of rivers.  Leander Albertus pleads hard for the air and site of Venice, though the black moorish lands appear at every low water:  the sea, fire, and smoke (as he thinks) qualify the air; and [1528]some suppose, that a thick foggy air helps the memory, as in them of Pisa in Italy; and our Camden, out of Plato, commends the site of Cambridge, because it is so near the fens.  But let the site of such places be as it may, how can they be excused that have a delicious seat, a pleasant air, and all that nature can afford, and yet

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A troublesome tempestuous air is as bad as impure, rough and foul weather, impetuous winds, cloudy dark days, as it is commonly with us, Coelum visu foedum, [1529]Polydore calls it a filthy sky, et in quo facile generantur nubes; as Tully’s brother Quintus wrote to him in Rome, being then quaestor in Britain.  “In a thick and cloudy air” (saith Lemnius) “men are tetric, sad, and peevish:  And if the western winds blow, and that there be a calm, or a fair sunshine day, there is a kind of alacrity in men’s minds; it cheers up men and beasts:  but if it be a turbulent, rough, cloudy, stormy weather, men are sad, lumpish, and much dejected, angry, waspish, dull, and melancholy.”  This was [1530]Virgil’s experiment of old,

       “Verum ubi tempestas, et coeli mobilis humor
        Mutavere vices, et Jupiter humidus Austro,
        Vertuntur species animorum, et pectore motus
        Concipiunt alios”------

       “But when the face of Heaven changed is
          To tempests, rain, from season fair: 
        Our minds are altered, and in our breasts
          Forthwith some new conceits appear.”

And who is not weather-wise against such and such conjunctions of planets, moved in foul weather, dull and heavy in such tempestuous seasons? [1531] Gelidum contristat Aquarius annum:  the time requires, and the autumn breeds it; winter is like unto it, ugly, foul, squalid, the air works on all men, more or less, but especially on such as are melancholy, or inclined to it, as Lemnius holds, [1532]"They are most moved with it, and those which are already mad, rave downright, either in, or against a tempest.  Besides, the devil many times takes his opportunity of such storms, and when the humours by the air be stirred, he goes in with them, exagitates our spirits, and vexeth our souls; as the sea waves, so are the spirits and humours in our bodies tossed with tempestuous winds and storms.”  To such as are melancholy therefore, Montanus, consil. 24, will have tempestuous and rough air to be avoided, and consil. 27, all night air, and would not have them to walk abroad, but in a pleasant day.  Lemnius, l. 3. c. 3, discommends the south and eastern winds, commends the north.  Montanus, consil. 31. [1533]"Will not any windows to be opened in the night.” Consil. 229. et consil. 230, he discommends especially the south wind, and nocturnal air:  So doth [1534]Plutarch.  The night and darkness makes men sad, the like do all subterranean vaults, dark houses in caves and rocks, desert places cause melancholy in an instant, especially such as have not been used to it, or otherwise accustomed.  Read more of air in Hippocrates, Aetius, l. 3. a c. 171. ad 175. Oribasius, a c. 1. ad 21. Avicen. l. 1. can.  Fen. 2. doc. 2.  Fen. 1. c. 123 to the 12, &c.

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SUBSECT.  VI.—­Immoderate Exercise a cause, and how.  Solitariness, Idleness.

Nothing so good but it may be abused:  nothing better than exercise (if opportunely used) for the preservation of the body:  nothing so bad if it be unseasonable. violent, or overmuch.  Fernelius out of Galen, Path. lib. 1. c. 16, saith, [1535]"That much exercise and weariness consumes the spirits and substance, refrigerates the body; and such humours which Nature would have otherwise concocted and expelled, it stirs up and makes them rage:  which being so enraged, diversely affect and trouble the body and mind.”  So doth it, if it be unseasonably used, upon a full stomach, or when the body is full of crudities, which Fuchsius so much inveighs against, lib. 2. instit. sec. 2. c. 4, giving that for a cause, why schoolboys in Germany are so often scabbed, because they use exercise presently after meats. [1536]Bayerus puts in a caveat against such exercise, because “it [1537]corrupts the meat in the stomach, and carries the same juice raw, and as yet undigested, into the veins” (saith Lemnius), “which there putrefies and confounds the animal spirits.”  Crato, consil. 21. l. 2, [1538]protests against all such exercise after meat, as being the greatest enemy to concoction that may be, and cause of corruption of humours, which produce this, and many other diseases.  Not without good reason then doth Salust.  Salvianus, l. 2. c. 1, and Leonartus Jacchinus, in 9.  Rhasis, Mercurialis, Arcubanus, and many other, set down [1539]immoderate exercise as a most forcible cause of melancholy.

Opposite to exercise is idleness (the badge of gentry) or want of exercise, the bane of body and mind, the nurse of naughtiness, stepmother of discipline, the chief author of all mischief, one of the seven deadly sins, and a sole cause of this and many other maladies, the devil’s cushion, as [1540]Gualter calls it, his pillow and chief reposal.  “For the mind can never rest, but still meditates on one thing or other, except it be occupied about some honest business, of his own accord it rusheth into melancholy.” [1541]"As too much and violent exercise offends on the one side, so doth an idle life on the other” (saith Crato), “it fills the body full of phlegm, gross humours, and all manner of obstructions, rheums, catarrhs,” &c.  Rhasis, cont. lib. 1. tract. 9, accounts of it as the greatest cause of melancholy. [1542]"I have often seen” (saith he) “that idleness begets this humour more than anything else.”  Montaltus, c. 1, seconds him out of his experience, [1543]"They that are idle are far more subject to melancholy than such as are conversant or employed about any office or business.” [1544]Plutarch reckons up idleness for a sole cause of the sickness of the soul:  “There are they” (saith he) “troubled in mind, that have no other cause but this.”  Homer, Iliad. 1, brings in Achilles eating of his own heart in his idleness, because he might

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[1548] “Neglectis urenda filix innascitur agris.”

------“for, a neglected field
Shall for the fire its thorns and thistles yield.”

As fern grows in untilled grounds, and all manner of weeds, so do gross humours in an idle body, Ignavum corrumpunt otia corpus.  A horse in a stable that never travels, a hawk in a mew that seldom flies, are both subject to diseases; which left unto themselves, are most free from any such encumbrances.  An idle dog will be mangy, and how shall an idle person think to escape?  Idleness of the mind is much worse than this of the body; wit without employment is a disease [1549]_Aerugo animi, rubigo ingenii_:  the rust of the soul, [1550]a plague, a hell itself, Maximum animi nocumentum, Galen, calls it. [1551]"As in a standing pool, worms and filthy creepers increase, (et vitium capiunt ni moveantur aquae, the water itself putrefies, and air likewise, if it be not continually stirred by the wind) so do evil and corrupt thoughts in an idle person,” the

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       “Novarum aedium esse arbitror similem ego hominem,
        Quando hic natus est:  Ei rei argumenta dicam. 
        Aedes quando sunt ad amussim expolitae,
        Quisque laudat fabrum, atque exemplum expetit, &c. 
        At ubi illo migrat nequam homo indiligensque, &c. 
        Tempestas venit, confringit tegulas, imbricesque,
        Putrifacit aer operam fabri, &c. 
        Dicam ut homines similes esse aedium arbitremini,
        Fabri parentes fundamentum substruunt liberorum,
        Expoliunt, docent literas, nec parcunt sumptui,
        Ego autem sub fabrorum potestate frugi fui,
        Postquam autem migravi in ingenium meum,
        Perdidi operam fabrorum illico oppido,
        Venit ignavia, ea mihi tempestas fuit,
        Adventuque suo grandinem et imbrem attulit,
        Illa mihi virtutem deturbavit,” &c.

A young man is like a fair new house, the carpenter leaves it well built, in good repair, of solid stuff; but a bad tenant lets it rain in, and for want of reparation, fall to decay, &c.  Our parents, tutors, friends, spare no cost to bring us up in our youth, in all manner of virtuous education; but when we are left to ourselves, idleness as a tempest drives all virtuous motions out of our minds, et nihili sumus, on a sudden, by sloth and such bad ways, we come to nought.

Cousin german to idleness, and a concomitant cause, which goes hand in hand with it, is [1558]_nimia solitudo_, too much solitariness, by the testimony of all physicians, cause and symptom both; but as it is here put for a cause, it is either coact, enforced, or else voluntary.  Enforced solitariness is commonly seen in students, monks, friars, anchorites, that by their order and course of life must abandon all company, society of other men, and betake themselves to a private cell:  Otio superstitioso seclusi, as Bale and Hospinian well term it, such as are the Carthusians of our time, that eat no flesh (by their order), keep perpetual silence, never go abroad.  Such as live in prison, or some desert place, and cannot have company, as many of our country gentlemen do in solitary houses, they must either be alone without companions, or live beyond their means, and entertain all comers as so many hosts, or else converse with their servants and hinds, such as are unequal, inferior to them, and of a contrary disposition:  or else as some do, to avoid solitariness, spend their time with lewd fellows in taverns, and in alehouses, and thence addict themselves

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Voluntary solitariness is that which is familiar with melancholy, and gently brings on like a Siren, a shoeing-horn, or some sphinx to this irrevocable gulf, [1559]a primary cause, Piso calls it; most pleasant it is at first, to such as are melancholy given, to lie in bed whole days, and keep their chambers, to walk alone in some solitary grove, betwixt wood and water, by a brook side, to meditate upon some delightsome and pleasant subject, which shall affect them most; amabilis insania, et mentis gratissimus error:  a most incomparable delight it is so to melancholise, and build castles in the air, to go smiling to themselves, acting an infinite variety of parts, which they suppose and strongly imagine they represent, or that they see acted or done:  Blandae quidem ab initio, saith Lemnius, to conceive and meditate of such pleasant things, sometimes, [1560]"present, past, or to come,” as Rhasis speaks.  So delightsome these toys are at first, they could spend whole days and nights without sleep, even whole years alone in such contemplations, and fantastical meditations, which are like unto dreams, and they will hardly be drawn from them, or willingly interrupt, so pleasant their vain conceits are, that they hinder their ordinary tasks and necessary business, they cannot address themselves to them, or almost to any study or employment, these fantastical and bewitching thoughts so covertly, so feelingly, so urgently, so continually set upon, creep in, insinuate, possess, overcome, distract, and detain them, they cannot, I say, go about their more necessary business, stave off or extricate themselves, but are ever musing, melancholising, and carried along, as he (they say) that is led round about a heath with a Puck in the night, they run earnestly on in this labyrinth of anxious and solicitous melancholy meditations, and cannot well or willingly refrain, or easily leave off, winding and unwinding themselves, as so many clocks, and still pleasing their humours, until at last the scene is turned upon a sudden, by some bad object, and they being now habituated to such vain meditations and solitary places, can endure no company, can ruminate

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SUBSECT.  VII.—­Sleeping and Waking, Causes.

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What I have formerly said of exercise, I may now repeat of sleep.  Nothing better than moderate sleep, nothing worse than it, if it be in extremes, or unseasonably used.  It is a received opinion, that a melancholy man cannot sleep overmuch; Somnus supra modum prodest, as an only antidote, and nothing offends them more, or causeth this malady sooner, than waking, yet in some cases sleep may do more harm than good, in that phlegmatic, swinish, cold, and sluggish melancholy which Melancthon speaks of, that thinks of waters, sighing most part, &c. [1566]It dulls the spirits, if overmuch, and senses; fills the head full of gross humours; causeth distillations, rheums, great store of excrements in the brain, and all the other parts, as [1567]Fuchsius speaks of them, that sleep like so many dormice.  Or if it be used in the daytime, upon a full stomach, the body ill-composed to rest, or after hard meats, it increaseth fearful dreams, incubus, night walking, crying out, and much unquietness; such sleep prepares the body, as [1568]one observes, “to many perilous diseases.”  But, as I have said, waking overmuch, is both a symptom, and an ordinary cause.  “It causeth dryness of the brain, frenzy, dotage, and makes the body dry, lean, hard, and ugly to behold,” as [1569]Lemnius hath it.  “The temperature of the brain is corrupted by it, the humours adust, the eyes made to sink into the head, choler increased, and the whole body inflamed:”  and, as may be added out of Galen, 3. de sanitate tuendo, Avicenna 3. 1. [1570]"It overthrows the natural heat, it causeth crudities, hurts, concoction,” and what not?  Not without good cause therefore Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2; Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de delir. et Mania, Jacchinus, Arculanus on Rhasis, Guianerius and Mercurialis, reckon up this overmuch waking as a principal cause.

MEMB.  III.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Passions and Perturbations of the Mind, how they cause Melancholy.

As that gymnosophist in [1571]Plutarch made answer to Alexander (demanding which spake best), Every one of his fellows did speak better than the other:  so may I say of these causes; to him that shall require which is the greatest, every one is more grievous than other, and this of passion the greatest of all.  A most frequent and ordinary cause of melancholy, [1572] fulmen perturbationum (Picolomineus calls it) this thunder and lightning of perturbation, which causeth such violent and speedy alterations in this our microcosm, and many times subverts the good estate and temperature of it.  For as the body works upon the mind by his bad humours, troubling the spirits, sending gross fumes into the brain, and so per consequens disturbing the soul, and all the faculties of it,

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[1573]  ------“Corpus onustum,
Hesternis vitiis animum quoque praegravat una,”

with fear, sorrow, &c., which are ordinary symptoms of this disease:  so on the other side, the mind most effectually works upon the body, producing by his passions and perturbations miraculous alterations, as melancholy, despair, cruel diseases, and sometimes death itself.  Insomuch that it is most true which Plato saith in his Charmides, omnia corporis mala ab anima procedere; all the [1574]mischiefs of the body proceed from the soul:  and Democritus in [1575]Plutarch urgeth, Damnatam iri animam a corpore, if the body should in this behalf bring an action against the soul, surely the soul would be cast and convicted, that by her supine negligence had caused such inconveniences, having authority over the body, and using it for an instrument, as a smith doth his hammer (saith [1576]Cyprian), imputing all those vices and maladies to the mind.  Even so doth [1577]Philostratus, non coinquinatur corpus, nisi consensuanimae; the body is not corrupted, but by the soul.  Lodovicus Vives will have such turbulent commotions proceed from ignorance and indiscretion. [1578]All philosophers impute the miseries of the body to the soul, that should have governed it better, by command of reason, and hath not done it.  The Stoics are altogether of opinion (as [1579]Lipsius and [1580]Picolomineus record), that a wise man should be [Greek:  apathaes], without all manner of passions and perturbations whatsoever, as [1581]Seneca reports of Cato, the [1582] Greeks of Socrates, and [1583]Io.  Aubanus of a nation in Africa, so free from passion, or rather so stupid, that if they be wounded with a sword, they will only look back. [1584]Lactantius, 2 instit., will exclude “fear from a wise man:”  others except all, some the greatest passions.  But let them dispute how they will, set down in Thesi, give precepts to the contrary; we find that of [1585]Lemnius true by common experience; “No mortal man is free from these perturbations:  or if he be so, sure he is either a god, or a block.”  They are born and bred with us, we have them from our parents by inheritance. A parentibus habemus malum hunc assem, saith [1586]Pelezius, Nascitur una nobiscum, aliturque, ’tis propagated from Adam, Cain was melancholy, [1587]as Austin hath it, and who is not?  Good discipline, education, philosophy, divinity (I cannot deny), may mitigate and restrain these passions in some few men at some times, but most part they domineer, and are so violent, [1588]that as a torrent (torrens velut aggere rupto) bears down all before, and overflows his banks, sternit agros, sternit sata, (lays waste the fields, prostrates the crops,) they overwhelm reason, judgment, and pervert the temperature of the body; Fertur [1589] equis auriga, nec audit currus habenas.  Now such a man (saith [1590]Austin) “that is so led, in a wise man’s eye, is no better than he that

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How these passions produce this effect, [1595]Agrippa hath handled at large, Occult.  Philos. l. 11. c. 63. Cardan, l. 14. subtil. Lemnius, l. 1. c. 12, de occult. nat. mir. et lib. 1. cap. 16. Suarez, Met. disput. 18. sect. 1. art. 25. T. Bright, cap. 12. of his Melancholy Treatise.  Wright the Jesuit, in his Book of the Passions of the Mind, &c.  Thus in brief, to our imagination cometh by the outward sense or memory, some object to be known (residing in the foremost part of the brain), which he misconceiving or amplifying presently communicates to the heart, the seat of all affections.  The pure spirits forthwith flock from the brain to the heart, by certain secret channels, and signify what good or bad object was presented; [1596]which immediately bends itself to prosecute, or avoid it; and withal, draweth with it other humours to help it:  so in pleasure, concur great store of purer spirits; in sadness, much melancholy blood; in ire, choler.  If the imagination be very apprehensive, intent, and violent, it sends great store of spirits to, or from the heart, and makes a deeper impression, and greater tumult, as the humours in the body be likewise prepared, and the temperature itself ill or well disposed, the passions are longer and stronger; so that the first step and fountain of all our grievances in this kind, is [1597]_laesa imaginatio_, which misinforming the heart, causeth all these distemperatures, alteration and confusion of spirits and humours.  By means of which, so disturbed, concoction is hindered, and the principal parts are much debilitated; as [1598]Dr. Navarra well declared, being consulted by Montanus about a melancholy Jew.  The spirits so confounded, the nourishment must needs be abated, bad humours increased, crudities and thick spirits engendered with melancholy blood.  The other parts cannot perform their functions, having the spirits drawn from them by vehement passion, but fail in sense and motion; so we look upon a thing, and see it not; hear, and

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SUBSECT.  II.—­Of the Force of Imagination.

What imagination is, I have sufficiently declared in my digression of the anatomy of the soul.  I will only now point at the wonderful effects and power of it; which, as it is eminent in all, so most especially it rageth in melancholy persons, in keeping the species of objects so long, mistaking, amplifying them by continual and [1601]strong meditation, until at length it produceth in some parties real effects, causeth this, and many other maladies.  And although this phantasy of ours be a subordinate faculty to reason, and should be ruled by it, yet in many men, through inward or outward distemperatures, defect of organs, which are unapt, or otherwise contaminated, it is likewise unapt, or hindered, and hurt.  This we see verified in sleepers, which by reason of humours and concourse of vapours troubling the phantasy, imagine many times absurd and prodigious things, and in such as are troubled with incubus, or witch-ridden (as we call it), if they lie on their backs, they suppose an old woman rides, and sits so hard upon them, that they are almost stifled for want of breath; when there is nothing offends, but a concourse of bad humours, which trouble the phantasy.  This is likewise evident in such as walk in the night in their sleep, and do strange feats:  [1602]these vapours move the phantasy, the phantasy the appetite, which moving the animal spirits causeth the body to walk up and down as if they were awake.  Fracast. l. 3. de intellect, refers all ecstasies to this force of imagination, such as lie whole days together in a trance:  as that priest whom [1603]Celsus speaks of, that could separate himself from his senses when he list, and lie like a dead man, void of life and sense.  Cardan brags of himself, that he could do as much, and that when he list.  Many times such men when they come to themselves, tell strange things of heaven and hell, what visions they have seen; as that St. Owen, in Matthew Paris, that went into St. Patrick’s purgatory, and the monk of Evesham in the same author.  Those common apparitions

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SUBSECT.  III.—­Division of Perturbations.

Perturbations and passions, which trouble the phantasy, though they dwell between the confines of sense and reason, yet they rather follow sense than reason, because they are drowned in corporeal organs of sense.  They are commonly [1629]reduced into two inclinations, irascible and concupiscible.  The Thomists subdivide them into eleven, six in the coveting, and five in the invading.  Aristotle reduceth all to pleasure and pain, Plato to love and hatred, [1630]Vives to good and bad.  If good, it is present, and then we absolutely joy and love; or to come, and then we desire and hope for it.  If evil, we absolute hate it; if present, it is by sorrow; if to come fear.  These four passions [1631]Bernard compares “to the wheels of a chariot, by which we are carried in this world.”  All other passions are subordinate unto these four, or six, as some will:  love, joy, desire, hatred, sorrow, fear; the rest, as anger, envy, emulation, pride, jealousy, anxiety, mercy, shame, discontent, despair, ambition, avarice, &c., are reducible unto the first; and if they be immoderate, they [1632]consume the spirits, and melancholy is especially caused by them.  Some few discreet men there are, that can govern themselves, and curb in these inordinate affections, by religion, philosophy, and such divine precepts, of meekness, patience, and

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Sorrow a Cause of Melancholy.

Sorrow.  Insanus dolor.] In this catalogue of passions, which so much torment the soul of man, and cause this malady, (for I will briefly speak of them all, and in their order,) the first place in this irascible appetite, may justly be challenged by sorrow.  An inseparable companion, [1637]"The mother and daughter of melancholy, her epitome, symptom, and chief cause:”  as Hippocrates hath it, they beget one another, and tread in a ring, for sorrow is both cause and symptom of this disease.  How it is a symptom shall be shown in its place.  That it is a cause all the world acknowledgeth, Dolor nonnullis insaniae causa fuit, et aliorum morborum insanabilium, saith Plutarch to Apollonius; a cause of madness, a cause of many other diseases, a sole cause of this mischief, [1638]Lemnius calls it.  So doth Rhasis, cont. l. 1. tract. 9. Guianerius, Tract. 15. c. 5, And if it take root once, it ends in despair, as [1639]Felix Plater observes, and as in [1640]Cebes’ table, may well be coupled with it. [1641]Chrysostom, in his seventeenth epistle to Olympia, describes it to be “a cruel torture of the soul, a most inexplicable grief, poisoned worm, consuming body and soul, and gnawing the very heart, a perpetual executioner, continual night, profound darkness, a whirlwind, a tempest, an ague not appearing, heating worse than any fire, and a battle that hath no end.  It crucifies worse than any tyrant; no torture, no strappado, no bodily punishment is like unto it.”  ’Tis the eagle without question which the poets feigned to gnaw [1642]Prometheus’ heart, and “no heaviness is like unto the heaviness of the heart,”

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       “Sawest thou those eyes in whose sweet cheerful look
        Duke Humphrey once such joy and pleasure took,
        Sorrow hath so despoil’d me of all grace,
        Thou couldst not say this was my Elnor’s face. 
        Like a foul Gorgon,” &c.

[1645]"It hinders concoction, refrigerates the heart, takes away stomach, colour, and sleep, thickens the blood,” ([1646]Fernelius, l. 1. c. 18. de morb. causis,) “contaminates the spirits.” ([1647]Piso.) Overthrows the natural heat, perverts the good estate of body and mind, and makes them weary of their lives, cry out, howl and roar for very anguish of their souls.  David confessed as much, Psalm xxxviii. 8, “I have roared for the very disquietness of my heart.”  And Psalm cxix. 4, part 4 v.  “My soul melteth away for very heaviness,” v. 38.  “I am like a bottle in the smoke.”  Antiochus complained that he could not sleep, and that his heart fainted for grief, [1648]Christ himself, vir dolorum, out of an apprehension of grief, did sweat blood, Mark xiv.  “His soul was heavy to the death, and no sorrow was like unto his.”  Crato, consil. 24. l. 2, gives instance in one that was so melancholy by reason of [1649]grief; and Montanus, consil. 30, in a noble matron, [1650]"that had no other cause of this mischief.”  I. S. D. in Hildesheim, fully cured a patient of his that was much troubled with melancholy, and for many years, [1651]"but afterwards, by a little occasion of sorrow, he fell into his former fits, and was tormented as before.”  Examples are common, how it causeth melancholy, [1652]desperation, and sometimes death itself; for (Eccles. xxxviii. 15,) “Of heaviness comes death; worldly sorrow causeth death.” 2 Cor. vii. 10, Psalm xxxi. 10, “My life is wasted with heaviness, and my years with mourning.”  Why was Hecuba said to be turned to a dog?  Niobe into a stone? but that for grief she was senseless and stupid.  Severus the Emperor [1653] died for grief; and how [1654]many myriads besides? Tanta illi est feritas, tanta est insania luctus. [1655]Melancthon gives a reason of it, [1656]"the gathering of much melancholy blood about the heart, which collection extinguisheth the good spirits, or at least dulleth them, sorrow strikes the heart, makes it tremble and pine away, with great pain; and the black blood drawn from the spleen, and diffused under the ribs, on the left side, makes those perilous hypochondriacal convulsions, which happen to them that are troubled with sorrow.”

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SUBSECT.  V.—­Fear, a Cause.

Cousin german to sorrow, is fear, or rather a sister, fidus Achates, and continual companion, an assistant and a principal agent in procuring of this mischief; a cause and symptom as the other.  In a word, as [1657] Virgil of the Harpies, I may justly say of them both,

       “Tristius haud illis monstrum, nec saevior ulla
        Pestis et ira Deum stygiis sese extulit undis.”

       “A sadder monster, or more cruel plague so fell,
        Or vengeance of the gods, ne’er came from Styx or Hell.”

This foul fiend of fear was worshipped heretofore as a god by the Lacedaemonians, and most of those other torturing [1658]affections, and so was sorrow amongst the rest, under the name of Angerona Dea, they stood in such awe of them, as Austin, de Civitat.  Dei, lib. 4. cap. 8, noteth out of Varro, fear was commonly [1659]adored and painted in their temples with a lion’s head; and as Macrobius records, l. 10.  Saturnalium; [1660]"In the calends of January, Angerona had her holy day, to whom in the temple of Volupia, or goddess of pleasure, their augurs and bishops did yearly sacrifice; that, being propitious to them, she might expel all cares, anguish, and vexation of the mind for that year following.”  Many lamentable effects this fear causeth in men, as to be red, pale, tremble, sweat, [1661]it makes sudden cold and heat to come over all the body, palpitation of the heart, syncope, &c.  It amazeth many men that are to speak, or show themselves in public assemblies, or before some great personages, as Tully confessed of himself, that he trembled still at the beginning of his speech; and Demosthenes, that great orator of Greece, before Philippus.  It confounds voice and memory, as Lucian wittily brings in Jupiter Tragoedus, so much afraid of his auditory, when he was to make a speech to the rest of the Gods, that he could not utter a ready word, but was compelled to use Mercury’s help in prompting.  Many men are so amazed and astonished with fear, they know not where they are, what they say, [1662]what they do, and that which is worst, it tortures them many days before with continual affrights and suspicion.  It hinders most honourable attempts, and makes their hearts ache, sad and heavy.  They that live in fear are never free, [1663]resolute, secure, never merry, but in continual pain:  that, as Vives truly said, Nulla est miseria major quam metus, no greater misery, no rack, nor torture like unto it, ever suspicious, anxious, solicitous, they are childishly drooping without reason, without judgment, [1664]"especially if some terrible object be offered,” as Plutarch hath it.  It causeth oftentimes sudden madness, and almost all manner of diseases, as I have sufficiently illustrated in my [1665] digression of the force of imagination, and shall do more at large in my section of [1666]terrors.  Fear makes our imagination conceive what it list, invites

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SUBSECT.  VI.—­Shame and Disgrace, Causes.

Shame and disgrace cause most violent passions and bitter pangs. Ob pudorem et dedecus publicum, ob errorum commissum saepe moventur generosi animi (Felix Plater, lib. 3. de alienat mentis.) Generous minds are often moved with shame, to despair for some public disgrace.  And he, saith Philo, lib. 2. de provid. dei, [1673]"that subjects himself to fear, grief, ambition, shame, is not happy, but altogether miserable, tortured with continual labour, care, and misery.”  It is as forcible a batterer as any of the rest:  [1674]"Many men neglect the tumults of the world, and care not for glory, and yet they are afraid of infamy, repulse, disgrace,” (Tul. offic. l. 1,) “they can severely contemn pleasure, bear grief indifferently, but they are quite [1675]battered and broken, with reproach and obloquy:”  (siquidem vita et fama pari passu ambulant) and are so dejected many times for some public injury, disgrace, as a box on the ear by their inferior, to be overcome of their adversary, foiled in the field, to be out in a speech, some foul fact committed or disclosed, &c. that they dare not come abroad all their lives after, but melancholise in corners, and keep in holes.  The most generous spirits are most subject to it; Spiritus altos frangit et generosos:  Hieronymus.  Aristotle, because he could not understand the motion of Euripus, for grief and shame drowned himself:  Caelius Rodigimus antiquar. lec. lib. 29. cap. 8. Homerus pudore consumptus, was swallowed up with this passion

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I know there be many base, impudent, brazenfaced rogues, that will [1684] Nulla pallescere culpa, be moved with nothing, take no infamy or disgrace to heart, laugh at all; let them be proved perjured, stigmatised, convict rogues, thieves, traitors, lose their ears, be whipped, branded, carted, pointed at, hissed, reviled, and derided with [1685]Ballio the Bawd in Plautus, they rejoice at it, Cantores probos; “babe and Bombax,” what care they?  We have too many such in our times,

------“Exclamat Melicerta perisse
------Frontem de rebus."[1686]

Yet a modest man, one that hath grace, a generous spirit, tender of his reputation, will be deeply wounded, and so grievously affected with it, that he had rather give myriads of crowns, lose his life, than suffer the least defamation of honour, or blot in his good name.  And if so be that he cannot avoid it, as a nightingale, Que cantando victa moritur, (saith [1687]Mizaldus,) dies for shame if another bird sing better, he languisheth and pineth away in the anguish of his spirit.

SUBSECT.  VII.—­Envy, Malice, Hatred, Causes.

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Envy and malice are two links of this chain, and both, as Guianerius, Tract. 15. cap. 2, proves out of Galen, 3 Aphorism, com. 22, [1688] “cause this malady by themselves, especially if their bodies be otherwise disposed to melancholy.”  ‘Tis Valescus de Taranta, and Felix Platerus’ observation, [1689]"Envy so gnaws many men’s hearts, that they become altogether melancholy.”  And therefore belike Solomon, Prov. xiv. 13, calls it, “the rotting of the bones,” Cyprian, vulnus occultum;

[1690]  ------“Siculi non invenere tyranni
Majus tormentum”------

The Sicilian tyrants never invented the like torment.  It crucifies their souls, withers their bodies, makes them hollow-eyed, [1691]pale, lean, and ghastly to behold, Cyprian, ser. 2. de zelo et livore. [1692]"As a moth gnaws a garment, so,” saith Chrysostom, “doth envy consume a man;” to be a living anatomy:  a “skeleton, to be a lean and [1693]pale carcass, quickened with a [1694]fiend”, Hall in Charact. for so often as an envious wretch sees another man prosper, to be enriched, to thrive, and be fortunate in the world, to get honours, offices, or the like, he repines and grieves.

[1695]  ------“intabescitque videndo
Successus hominum—­suppliciumque suum est.”

He tortures himself if his equal, friend, neighbour, be preferred, commended, do well; if he understand of it, it galls him afresh; and no greater pain can come to him than to hear of another man’s well-doing; ’tis a dagger at his heart every such object.  He looks at him as they that fell down in Lucian’s rock of honour, with an envious eye, and will damage himself, to do another a mischief:  Atque cadet subito, dum super hoste cadat.  As he did in Aesop, lose one eye willingly, that his fellow might lose both, or that rich man in [1696]Quintilian that poisoned the flowers in his garden, because his neighbour’s bees should get no more honey from them.  His whole life is sorrow, and every word he speaks a satire:  nothing fats him but other men’s ruins.  For to speak in a word, envy is nought else but Tristitia de bonis alienis, sorrow for other men’s good, be it present, past, or to come:  et gaudium de adversis, and [1697]joy at their harms, opposite to mercy, [1698]which grieves at other men’s mischances, and misaffects the body in another kind; so Damascen defines it, lib. 2. de orthod. fid. Thomas, 2. 2. quaest. 36. art. 1. Aristotle, l. 2.  Rhet. c. 4. et 10. Plato Philebo.  Tully, 3.  Tusc.  Greg.  Nic. l. de virt. animae, c. 12. Basil, de Invidia.  Pindarus Od. 1. ser. 5, and we find it true.  ’Tis a common disease, and almost natural to us, as [1699]Tacitus holds, to envy another man’s prosperity.  And ’tis in most men an incurable disease. [1700]"I have read,” saith Marcus Aurelius, “Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee authors; I have consulted with many wise men for a remedy for envy, I could

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SUBSECT.  VIII.—­Emulation, Hatred, Faction, Desire of Revenge, Causes.

Out of this root of envy [1711]spring those feral branches of faction, hatred, livor, emulation, which cause the like grievances, and are, serrae animae, the saws of the soul, [1712]_consternationis pleni affectus_, affections full of desperate amazement; or as Cyprian describes emulation, it is [1713]"a moth of the soul, a consumption, to make another man’s happiness his misery, to torture, crucify, and execute himself, to eat his own heart.  Meat and drink can do such men no good, they do always grieve, sigh, and groan, day and night without intermission, their breast is torn asunder:”  and a little after, [1714]"Whomsoever he is whom thou dost emulate and envy, he may avoid thee, but thou canst neither avoid him nor thyself; wheresoever thou art he is with thee, thine enemy is ever in thy breast, thy destruction is within thee, thou art a captive, bound hand and foot, as long as thou art malicious and envious, and canst not be comforted.  It was the devil’s overthrow;” and whensoever thou art thoroughly affected with this passion, it will be thine.  Yet no perturbation so frequent, no passion so common.

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[1715] “[Greek:  kai kerameus keramei koteei kai tektoni tekton,
        kai ptochos ptochoi phthoneei kai aoidos aoido.]”

       “A potter emulates a potter: 
          One smith envies another: 
        A beggar emulates a beggar;
          A singing man his brother.”

Every society, corporation, and private family is full of it, it takes hold almost of all sorts of men, from the prince to the ploughman, even amongst gossips it is to be seen, scarce three in a company but there is siding, faction, emulation, between two of them, some simultas, jar, private grudge, heart-burning in the midst of them.  Scarce two gentlemen dwell together in the country, (if they be not near kin or linked in marriage) but there is emulation betwixt them and their servants, some quarrel or some grudge betwixt their wives or children, friends and followers, some contention about wealth, gentry, precedency, &c., by means of which, like the frog in [1716]Aesop, “that would swell till she was as big as an ox, burst herself at last;” they will stretch beyond their fortunes, callings, and strive so long that they consume their substance in lawsuits, or otherwise in hospitality, feasting, fine clothes, to get a few bombast titles, for ambitiosa paupertate laboramus omnes, to outbrave one another, they will tire their bodies, macerate their souls, and through contentions or mutual invitations beggar themselves.  Scarce two great scholars in an age, but with bitter invectives they fall foul one on the other, and their adherents; Scotists, Thomists, Reals, Nominals, Plato and Aristotle, Galenists and Paracelsians, &c., it holds in all professions.

Honest [1717]emulation in studies, in all callings is not to be disliked, ’tis ingeniorum cos, as one calls it, the whetstone of wit, the nurse of wit and valour, and those noble Romans out of this spirit did brave exploits.  There is a modest ambition, as Themistocles was roused up with the glory of Miltiades; Achilles’ trophies moved Alexander,

[1718] “Ambire semper stulta confidentia est,
        Ambire nunquam deses arrogantia est.”

’Tis a sluggish humour not to emulate or to sue at all, to withdraw himself, neglect, refrain from such places, honours, offices, through sloth, niggardliness, fear, bashfulness, or otherwise, to which by his birth, place, fortunes, education, he is called, apt, fit, and well able to undergo; but when it is immoderate, it is a plague and a miserable pain.  What a deal of money did Henry VIII. and Francis I. king of France, spend at that [1719]famous interview? and how many vain courtiers, seeking each to outbrave other, spent themselves, their livelihood and fortunes, and died beggars? [1720]Adrian the Emperor was so galled with it, that he killed all his equals; so did Nero.  This passion made [1721]Dionysius the tyrant banish Plato and Philoxenus the poet, because they did excel and eclipse his glory, as he thought;

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SUBSECT.  IX.—­Anger, a Cause.

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Anger, a perturbation, which carries the spirits outwards, preparing the body to melancholy, and madness itself:  Ira furor brevis est, “anger is temporary madness;” and as [1728]Picolomineus accounts it, one of the three most violent passions. [1729]Areteus sets it down for an especial cause (so doth Seneca, ep. 18. l. 1,) of this malady. [1730]Magninus gives the reason, Ex frequenti ira supra modum calefiunt; it overheats their bodies, and if it be too frequent, it breaks out into manifest madness, saith St. Ambrose.  ’Tis a known saying, Furor fit Iaesa saepius palienlia, the most patient spirit that is, if he be often provoked, will be incensed to madness; it will make a devil of a saint:  and therefore Basil (belike) in his Homily de Ira, calls it tenebras rationis, morbum animae, et daemonem pessimum; the darkening of our understanding, and a bad angel. [1731]Lucian, in Abdicato, tom. 1, will have this passion to work this effect, especially in old men and women.  “Anger and calumny” (saith he) “trouble them at first, and after a while break out into madness:  many things cause fury in women, especially if they love or hate overmuch, or envy, be much grieved or angry; these things by little and little lead them on to this malady.”  From a disposition they proceed to an habit, for there is no difference between a mad man, and an angry man, in the time of his fit; anger, as Lactantius describes it, L. de Ira Dei, ad Donatum, c. 5, is [1732]_saeva animi tempestas_, &c., a cruel tempest of the mind; “making his eye sparkle fire, and stare, teeth gnash in his head, his tongue stutter, his face pale, or red, and what more filthy imitation can be of a mad man?”

[1733] “Ora tument ira, fervescunt sanguine venae,
        Lumina Gorgonio saevius angue micant.”

They are void of reason, inexorable, blind, like beasts and monsters for the time, say and do they know not what, curse, swear, rail, fight, and what not?  How can a mad man do more? as he said in the comedy, [1734] Iracundia non sum apud me, I am not mine own man.  If these fits be immoderate, continue long, or be frequent, without doubt they provoke madness.  Montanus, consil. 21, had a melancholy Jew to his patient, he ascribes this for a principal cause:  Irascebatur levibus de causis, he was easily moved to anger.  Ajax had no other beginning of his madness; and Charles the Sixth, that lunatic French king, fell into this misery, out of the extremity of his passion, desire of revenge and malice, [1735]incensed against the duke of Britain, he could neither eat, drink, nor sleep for some days together, and in the end, about the calends of July, 1392, he became mad upon his horseback, drawing his sword, striking such as came near him promiscuously, and so continued all the days of his life, Aemil., lib. 10. Gal. hist. Aegesippus de exid. urbis Hieros, l. 1. c. 37, hath such a story of Herod, that out

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SUBSECT.  X.—­Discontents, Cares, Miseries, &c.  Causes.

Discontents, cares, crosses, miseries, or whatsoever it is, that shall cause any molestation of spirits, grief, anguish, and perplexity, may well be reduced to this head, (preposterously placed here in some men’s judgments they may seem,) yet in that Aristotle in his [1741]Rhetoric defines these cares, as he doth envy, emulation, &c. still by grief, I think I may well rank them in this irascible row; being that they are as the rest, both causes and symptoms of this disease, producing the like inconveniences, and are most part accompanied with anguish and pain.  The common etymology will evince it, Cura quasi cor uro, Dementes curae, insomnes curae, damnosae curae, tristes, mordaces, carnifices, &c. biting, eating, gnawing, cruel, bitter, sick, sad, unquiet, pale, tetric, miserable, intolerable cares, as the poets [1742]call them, worldly cares, and are as many in number as the sea sands. [1743]Galen, Fernelius, Felix Plater, Valescus de Taranta, &c., reckon afflictions, miseries, even all these contentions, and vexations of the mind, as principal causes, in that they take away sleep, hinder concoction, dry up the body, and consume the substance of it.  They are not so many in number, but their causes be as divers, and not one of a thousand free from them, or that can vindicate himself, whom that Ate dea,

[1744] “Per hominum capita molliter ambulans,
        Plantas pedum teneras habens:” 

       “Over men’s heads walking aloft,
        With tender feet treading so soft,”

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Homer’s Goddess Ate hath not involved into this discontented [1745]rank, or plagued with some misery or other.  Hyginus, fab. 220, to this purpose hath a pleasant tale.  Dame Cura by chance went over a brook, and taking up some of the dirty slime, made an image of it; Jupiter eftsoons coming by, put life to it, but Cura and Jupiter could not agree what name to give him, or who should own him; the matter was referred to Saturn as judge; he gave this arbitrement:  his name shall be Homo ab humo, Cura eum possideat quamdiu vivat, Care shall have him whilst he lives, Jupiter his soul, and Tellus his body when he dies.  But to leave tales.  A general cause, a continuate cause, an inseparable accident, to all men, is discontent, care, misery; were there no other particular affliction (which who is free from?) to molest a man in this life, the very cogitation of that common misery were enough to macerate, and make him weary of his life; to think that he can never be secure, but still in danger, sorrow, grief, and persecution.  For to begin at the hour of his birth, as [1746]Pliny doth elegantly describe it, “he is born naked, and falls [1747]a whining at the very first:  he is swaddled, and bound up like a prisoner, cannot help himself, and so he continues to his life’s end.” Cujusque ferae pabulum, saith [1748]Seneca, impatient of heat and cold, impatient of labour, impatient of idleness, exposed to fortune’s contumelies.  To a naked mariner Lucretius compares him, cast on shore by shipwreck, cold and comfortless in an unknown land:  [1749]no estate, age, sex, can secure himself from this common misery.  “A man that is born of a woman is of short continuance, and full of trouble,” Job xiv. 1, 22.  “And while his flesh is upon him he shall be sorrowful, and while his soul is in him it shall mourn.  All his days are sorrow and his travels griefs:  his heart also taketh not rest in the night.”  Eccles. ii. 23, and ii. 11.  “All that is in it is sorrow and vexation of spirit. [1750]Ingress, progress, regress, egress, much alike:  blindness seizeth on us in the beginning, labour in the middle, grief in the end, error in all.  What day ariseth to us without some grief, care, or anguish?  Or what so secure and pleasing a morning have we seen, that hath not been overcast before the evening?” One is miserable, another ridiculous, a third odious.  One complains of this grievance, another of that. Aliquando nervi, aliquando pedes vexant, (Seneca) nunc distillatio, nunc epatis morbus; nunc deest, nunc superest sanguis:  now the head aches, then the feet, now the lungs, then the liver, &c. Huic sensus exuberat, sed est pudori degener sanguis, &c.  He is rich, but base born; he is noble, but poor; a third hath means, but he wants health peradventure, or wit to manage his estate; children vex one, wife a second, &c. Nemo facile cum conditione sua concordat, no man is pleased with his fortune, a pound of sorrow is familiarly mixed with a dram of content, little

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[1753] “Nil homine in terra spirat miserum magis alma?”

No creature so miserable as man, so generally molested, [1754]"in miseries of body, in miseries of mind, miseries of heart, in miseries asleep, in miseries awake, in miseries wheresoever he turns,” as Bernard found, Nunquid tentatio est vita humana super terram?  A mere temptation is our life, (Austin, confess. lib. 10. cap. 28,) catena perpetuorum malorum, et quis potest molestias et difficultates pati?  Who can endure the miseries of it? [1755]"In prosperity we are insolent and intolerable, dejected in adversity, in all fortunes foolish and miserable.” [1756]"In adversity I wish for prosperity, and in prosperity I am afraid of adversity.  What mediocrity may be found?  Where is no temptation?  What condition of life is free?” [1757]"Wisdom hath labour annexed to it, glory, envy; riches and cares, children and encumbrances, pleasure and diseases, rest and beggary, go together:  as if a man were therefore born” (as the Platonists hold) “to be punished in this life for some precedent sins.”  Or that, as [1758]Pliny complains, “Nature may be rather accounted a stepmother, than a mother unto us, all things considered:  no creature’s life so brittle, so full of fear, so mad, so furious; only man is plagued with envy, discontent, griefs, covetousness, ambition, superstition.”  Our whole life is an Irish sea, wherein there is nought to be expected but tempestuous storms and troublesome waves, and those infinite,

[1759] “Tantum malorum pelagus aspicio,
        Ut non sit inde enatandi copia,”

no halcyonian times, wherein a man can hold himself secure, or agree with his present estate; but as Boethius infers, [1760]"there is something in every one of us which before trial we seek, and having tried abhor:  [1761] we earnestly wish, and eagerly covet, and are eftsoons weary of it.”  Thus between hope and fear, suspicions, angers, [1762]_Inter spemque metumque, timores inter et iras_, betwixt falling in, falling out, &c., we bangle away our best days, befool out our times, we lead a contentious, discontent, tumultuous, melancholy, miserable life; insomuch, that if we could foretell what was to come, and it put to our choice, we should rather refuse than accept of this painful life.  In a word, the world itself is a maze, a labyrinth of errors, a desert, a wilderness, a den of thieves, cheaters, &c., full of filthy puddles, horrid rocks, precipitiums, an ocean of adversity, an heavy yoke, wherein infirmities and calamities overtake,

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[1776] “Desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne:” 

       “A handsome woman with a fish’s tail,”

a fair morning turns to a lowering afternoon.  Brutus and Cassius, once renowned, both eminently happy, yet you shall scarce find two (saith Paterculus) quos fortuna maturius destiturit, whom fortune sooner forsook.  Hannibal, a conqueror all his life, met with his match, and was subdued at last, Occurrit forti, qui mage fortis erit. One is brought in triumph, as Caesar into Rome, Alcibiades into Athens, coronis aureis donatus, crowned, honoured, admired; by-and-by his statues demolished, he hissed out, massacred, &c. [1777]Magnus Gonsalva, that famous Spaniard, was of the prince and people at first honoured, approved; forthwith confined and banished. Admirandas actiones; graves plerunque sequuntur invidiae, et acres calumniae:  ’tis Polybius his observation, grievous enmities, and bitter calumnies, commonly follow renowned actions.  One is born rich, dies a beggar; sound today, sick tomorrow; now in most flourishing estate, fortunate and happy, by-and-by deprived of his goods by foreign enemies, robbed by thieves, spoiled, captivated, impoverished, as they of [1778]"Rabbah put under iron saws, and under iron harrows, and under axes of iron, and cast into the tile kiln,”

[1779] “Quid me felicem toties jactastis amici,
        Qui cecidit, stabili non erat ille gradu.”

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He that erst marched like Xerxes with innumerable armies, as rich as Croesus, now shifts for himself in a poor cock-boat, is bound in iron chains, with Bajazet the Turk, and a footstool with Aurelian, for a tyrannising conqueror to trample on.  So many casualties there are, that as Seneca said of a city consumed with fire, Una dies interest inter maximum civitatem et nullam, one day betwixt a great city and none:  so many grievances from outward accidents, and from ourselves, our own indiscretion, inordinate appetite, one day betwixt a man and no man.  And which is worse, as if discontents and miseries would not come fast enough upon us:  homo homini daemon, we maul, persecute, and study how to sting, gall, and vex one another with mutual hatred, abuses, injuries; preying upon and devouring as so many, [1780]ravenous birds; and as jugglers, panders, bawds, cozening one another; or raging as [1781]wolves, tigers, and devils, we take a delight to torment one another; men are evil, wicked, malicious, treacherous, and [1782]naught, not loving one another, or loving themselves, not hospitable, charitable, nor sociable as they ought to be, but counterfeit, dissemblers, ambidexters, all for their own ends, hard-hearted, merciless, pitiless, and to benefit themselves, they care not what mischief they procure to others. [1783]Praxinoe and Gorgo in the poet, when they had got in to see those costly sights, they then cried bene est, and would thrust out all the rest:  when they are rich themselves, in honour, preferred, full, and have even that they would, they debar others of those pleasures which youth requires, and they formerly have enjoyed.  He sits at table in a soft chair at ease, but he doth remember in the mean time that a tired waiter stands behind him, “an hungry fellow ministers to him full, he is athirst that gives him drink” (saith [1784]Epictetus) “and is silent whilst he speaks his pleasure:  pensive, sad, when he laughs.” Pleno se proluit auro:  he feasts, revels, and profusely spends, hath variety of robes, sweet music, ease, and all the pleasure the world can afford, whilst many an hunger-starved poor creature pines in the street, wants clothes to cover him, labours hard all day long, runs, rides for a trifle, fights peradventure from sun to sun, sick and ill, weary, full of pain and grief, is in great distress and sorrow of heart.  He loathes and scorns his inferior, hates or emulates his equal, envies his superior, insults over all such as are under him, as if he were of another species, a demigod, not subject to any fall, or human infirmities.  Generally they love not, are not beloved again:  they tire out others’ bodies with continual labour, they themselves living at ease, caring for none else, sibi nati; and are so far many times from putting to their helping hand, that they seek all means to depress, even most worthy and well deserving, better than themselves, those whom they are by the laws of nature bound to relieve and help, as much

Page 236

If this be not a sufficient proof of their discontent and misery, examine every condition and calling apart.  Kings, princes, monarchs, and magistrates seem to be most happy, but look into their estate, you shall [1786]find them to be most encumbered with cares, in perpetual fear, agony, suspicion, jealousy:  that, as [1787]he said of a crown, if they knew but the discontents that accompany it, they would not stoop to take it up. Quem mihi regent dabis (saith Chrysostom) non curis plenum?  What king canst thou show me, not full of cares? [1788]"Look not on his crown, but consider his afflictions; attend not his number of servants, but multitude of crosses.” Nihil aliud potestas culminis, quam tempestas mentis, as Gregory seconds him; sovereignty is a tempest of the soul:  Sylla like they have brave titles, but terrible fits:  splendorem titulo, cruciatum animo:  which made [1789]Demosthenes vow, si vel ad tribunal, vel ad interitum duceretur:  if to be a judge, or to be condemned, were put to his choice, he would be condemned.  Rich men are in the same predicament; what their pains are, stulti nesciunt, ipsi sentiunt:  they feel, fools perceive not, as I shall prove elsewhere, and their wealth is brittle, like children’s rattles:  they come and go, there is no certainty in them:  those whom they elevate, they do as suddenly depress, and leave in a vale of misery.  The middle sort of men are as so many asses to bear burdens; or if they be free, and live at ease, they spend themselves, and consume their bodies and fortunes with luxury and riot, contention, emulation, &c.  The poor I reserve for another [1790]place and their discontents.

For particular professions, I hold as of the rest, there’s no content or security in any; on what course will you pitch, how resolve? to be a divine, ’tis contemptible in the world’s esteem; to be a lawyer, ’tis to be a wrangler; to be a physician, [1791]_pudet lotii_, ’tis loathed; a philosopher, a madman; an alchemist, a beggar; a poet, esurit, an hungry jack; a musician, a player; a schoolmaster, a drudge; an husbandman, an emmet; a merchant, his gains are uncertain; a mechanician, base; a chirurgeon, fulsome; a tradesman, a [1792]liar; a tailor, a thief; a serving-man, a slave; a soldier, a butcher; a smith, or a metalman, the pot’s never from his nose; a courtier a parasite, as he could find no tree in the wood to hang himself; I can show no state of life to give content.  The like you may say of all ages; children live in a perpetual slavery, still under that tyrannical government of masters; young men, and of riper years, subject to labour, and a thousand cares of the world, to treachery, falsehood, and cozenage,

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[1793]  ------“Incedit per ignes,
Suppositos cineri doloso,”

------“you incautious tread
On fires, with faithless ashes overhead.”

[1794]old are full of aches in their bones, cramps and convulsions, silicernia, dull of hearing, weak sighted, hoary, wrinkled, harsh, so much altered as that they cannot know their own face in a glass, a burthen to themselves and others, after 70 years, “all is sorrow” (as David hath it), they do not live but linger.  If they be sound, they fear diseases; if sick, weary of their lives:  Non est vivere, sed valere vita. One complains of want, a second of servitude, [1795]another of a secret or incurable disease; of some deformity of body, of some loss, danger, death of friends, shipwreck, persecution, imprisonment, disgrace, repulse, [1796] contumely, calumny, abuse, injury, contempt, ingratitude, unkindness, scoffs, flouts, unfortunate marriage, single life, too many children, no children, false servants, unhappy children, barrenness, banishment, oppression, frustrate hopes and ill-success, &c.

[1797] “Talia de genere hoc adeo sunt multa, loquacem ut
Delassare valent Fabium.”------

       “But, every various instance to repeat,
        Would tire even Fabius of incessant prate.”

Talking Fabius will be tired before he can tell half of them; they are the subject of whole volumes, and shall (some of them) be more opportunely dilated elsewhere.  In the meantime thus much I may say of them, that generally they crucify the soul of man, [1798]attenuate our bodies, dry them, wither them, shrivel them up like old apples, make them as so many anatomies ([1799]_ossa atque pellis est totus, ita curis macet_) they cause tempus foedum et squalidum, cumbersome days, ingrataque tempora, slow, dull, and heavy times:  make us howl, roar, and tear our hairs, as sorrow did in [1800]Cebes’ table, and groan for the very anguish of our souls.  Our hearts fail us as David’s did, Psal. xl. 12, “for innumerable troubles that compassed him;” and we are ready to confess with Hezekiah, Isaiah lviii. 17, “behold, for felicity I had bitter grief;” to weep with Heraclitus, to curse the day of our birth with Jeremy, xx. 14, and our stars with Job:  to hold that axiom of Silenus, [1801]"better never to have been born, and the best next of all, to die quickly:”  or if we must live, to abandon the world, as Timon did; creep into caves and holes, as our anchorites; cast all into the sea, as Crates Thebanus; or as Theombrotus Ambrociato’s 400 auditors, precipitate ourselves to be rid of these miseries.

SUBSECT.  XI.—­Concupiscible Appetite, as Desires, Ambition, Causes.

Page 238

These concupiscible and irascible appetites are as the two twists of a rope, mutually mixed one with the other, and both twining about the heart:  both good, as Austin, holds, l. 14. c. 9. de civ.  Dei, [1802]"if they be moderate; both pernicious if they be exorbitant.”  This concupiscible appetite, howsoever it may seem to carry with it a show of pleasure and delight, and our concupiscences most part affect us with content and a pleasing object, yet if they be in extremes, they rack and wring us on the other side.  A true saying it is, “Desire hath no rest;” is infinite in itself, endless; and as [1803]one calls it, a perpetual rack, [1804]or horse-mill, according to Austin, still going round as in a ring.  They are not so continual, as divers, felicius atomos denumerare possem, saith [1805]Bernard, quam motus cordis; nunc haec, nunc illa cogito, you may as well reckon up the motes in the sun as them. [1806]"It extends itself to everything,” as Guianerius will have it, “that is superfluously sought after:"’ or to any [1807]fervent desire, as Fernelius interprets it; be it in what kind soever, it tortures if immoderate, and is (according to [1808] Plater and others) an especial cause of melancholy. Multuosis concupiscentiis dilaniantur cogitationes meae, [1809]Austin confessed, that he was torn a pieces with his manifold desires:  and so doth [1810] Bernard complain, “that he could not rest for them a minute of an hour:  this I would have, and that, and then I desire to be such and such.”  ’Tis a hard matter therefore to confine them, being they are so various and many, impossible to apprehend all.  I will only insist upon some few of the chief, and most noxious in their kind, as that exorbitant appetite and desire of honour, which we commonly call ambition; love of money, which is covetousness, and that greedy desire of gain:  self-love, pride, and inordinate desire of vainglory or applause, love of study in excess; love of women (which will require a just volume of itself), of the other I will briefly speak, and in their order.

Ambition, a proud covetousness, or a dry thirst of honour, a great torture of the mind, composed of envy, pride, and covetousness, a gallant madness, one [1811]defines it a pleasant poison, Ambrose, “a canker of the soul, an hidden plague:”  [1812]Bernard, “a secret poison, the father of livor, and mother of hypocrisy, the moth of holiness, and cause of madness, crucifying and disquieting all that it takes hold of.” [1813]Seneca calls it, rem solicitam, timidam, vanam, ventosam, a windy thing, a vain, solicitous, and fearful thing.  For commonly they that, like Sisyphus, roll this restless stone of ambition, are in a perpetual agony, still [1814] perplexed, semper taciti, tritesque recedunt (Lucretius), doubtful, timorous, suspicious, loath to offend in word or deed, still cogging and colloguing, embracing, capping, cringing, applauding, flattering, fleering, visiting, waiting at men’s doors, with all affability,

Page 239

Page 240

       “Qui perjurum convenire vult hominem, mitto in Comitium;
        Qui mendacem et gloriosum, apud Cluasinae sacrum;
        Dites, damnosos maritos, sub basilica quaerito,” &c.

Perjured knaves, knights of the post, liars, crackers, bad husbands, &c. keep their several stations; they do still, and always did in every commonwealth.

SUBSECT.  XII.—­[Greek:  philarguria], Covetousness, a Cause.

Plutarch, in his [1829]book whether the diseases of the body be more grievous than those of the soul, is of opinion, “if you will examine all the causes of our miseries in this life, you shall find them most part to have had their beginning from stubborn anger, that furious desire of contention, or some unjust or immoderate affection, as covetousness,” &c.  From whence “are wars and contentions amongst you?” [1830]St. James asks:  I will add usury, fraud, rapine, simony, oppression, lying, swearing, bearing false witness, &c. are they not from this fountain of covetousness, that greediness in getting, tenacity in keeping, sordidity in spending; that they are so wicked, [1831]"unjust against God, their neighbour, themselves;” all comes hence.  “The desire of money is the root of all evil, and they that lust after it, pierce themselves through with many sorrows,” 1 Tim. vi. 10.  Hippocrates therefore in his Epistle to Crateva, an herbalist, gives him this good counsel, that if it were possible, [1832] “amongst other herbs, he should cut up that weed of covetousness by the roots, that there be no remainder left, and then know this for a certainty, that together with their bodies, thou mayst quickly cure all the diseases of their minds.”  For it is indeed the pattern, image, epitome of all melancholy, the fountain of many miseries, much discontented care and woe; this “inordinate, or immoderate desire of gain, to get or keep money,” as [1833]Bonaventure defines it:  or, as Austin describes it, a madness of the soul, Gregory a torture; Chrysostom, an insatiable drunkenness; Cyprian, blindness, speciosum supplicium, a plague subverting kingdoms, families, an [1834]incurable disease; Budaeus, an ill habit, [1835]"yielding to no remedies:”  neither Aesculapius nor Plutus can cure them:  a continual plague, saith Solomon, and vexation of spirit, another hell.  I know there be some of opinion, that covetous men are happy, and worldly, wise, that there is more pleasure in getting

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[1843]  ------“potiore metallis
libertate carens”------

wanting his liberty, which is better than gold.  Damasippus the Stoic, in Horace, proves that all mortal men dote by fits, some one way, some another, but that covetous men [1844]are madder than the rest; and he that shall truly look into their estates, and examine their symptoms, shall find no better of them, but that they are all [1845]fools, as Nabal was, Re et nomine (1.  Reg. 15.) For what greater folly can there be, or [1846] madness, than to macerate himself when he need not? and when, as Cyprian notes, [1847]"he may be freed from his burden, and eased of his pains, will go on still, his wealth increasing, when he hath enough, to get more, to live besides

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------“congestis undique sacc
indormit inhians,”------

And though he be at a banquet, or at some merry feast, “he sighs for grief of heart” (as [1849]Cyprian hath it) “and cannot sleep though it be upon a down bed; his wearish body takes no rest,” [1850]"troubled in his abundance, and sorrowful in plenty, unhappy for the present, and more unhappy in the life to come.”  Basil.  He is a perpetual drudge, [1851]restless in his thoughts, and never satisfied, a slave, a wretch, a dust-worm, semper quod idolo suo immolet, sedulus observat Cypr. prolog. ad sermon still seeking what sacrifice he may offer to his golden god, per fas et nefas, he cares not how, his trouble is endless, [1852]_crescunt divitiae, tamen curtae nescio quid semper abest rei_:  his wealth increaseth, and the more he hath, the more [1853]he wants:  like Pharaoh’s lean kine, which devoured the fat, and were not satisfied. [1854]Austin therefore defines covetousness, quarumlibet rerum inhonestam et insatiabilem cupiditatem a dishonest and insatiable desire of gain; and in one of his epistles compares it to hell; [1855]"which devours all, and yet never hath enough, a bottomless pit,” an endless misery; in quem scopulum avaritiae cadaverosi senes utplurimum impingunt, and that which is their greatest corrosive, they are in continual suspicion, fear, and distrust, He thinks his own wife and children are so many thieves, and go about to cozen him, his servants are all false: 

       “Rem suam periisse, seque eradicarier,
        Et divum atque hominum clamat continuo fidem,
        De suo tigillo si qua exit foras.”

       “If his doors creek, then out he cries anon,
        His goods are gone, and he is quite undone.”

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Timidus Plutus, an old proverb, As fearful as Plutus:  so doth Aristophanes and Lucian bring him in fearful still, pale, anxious, suspicious, and trusting no man, [1856]"They are afraid of tempests for their corn; they are afraid of their friends lest they should ask something of them, beg or borrow; they are afraid of their enemies lest they hurt them, thieves lest they rob them; they are afraid of war and afraid of peace, afraid of rich and afraid of poor; afraid of all.”  Last of all, they are afraid of want, that they shall die beggars, which makes them lay up still, and dare not use that they have:  what if a dear year come, or dearth, or some loss? and were it not that they are both to [1857]lay out money on a rope, they would be hanged forthwith, and sometimes die to save charges, and make away themselves, if their corn and cattle miscarry; though they have abundance left, as [1858]Agellius notes. [1859]Valerius makes mention of one that in a famine sold a mouse for 200 pence, and famished himself:  such are their cares, [1860]griefs and perpetual fears.  These symptoms are elegantly expressed by Theophrastus in his character of a covetous man; [1861]"lying in bed, he asked his wife whether she shut the trunks and chests fast, the cap-case be sealed, and whether the hall door be bolted; and though she say all is well, he riseth out of his bed in his shirt, barefoot and barelegged, to see whether it be so, with a dark lantern searching every corner, scarce sleeping a wink all night.”  Lucian in that pleasant and witty dialogue called Gallus, brings in Mycillus the cobbler disputing with his cock, sometimes Pythagoras; where after much speech pro and con, to prove the happiness of a mean estate, and discontents of a rich man, Pythagoras’ cock in the end, to illustrate by examples that which he had said, brings him to Gnyphon the usurer’s house at midnight, and after that to Encrates; whom, they found both awake, casting up their accounts, and telling of their money, [1862]lean, dry, pale and anxious, still suspecting lest somebody should make a hole through the wall, and so get in; or if a rat or mouse did but stir, starting upon a sudden, and running to the door to see whether all were fast.  Plautus, in his Aulularia, makes old Euclio [1863]commanding Staphyla his wife to shut the doors fast, and the fire to be put out, lest anybody should make that an errand to come to his house:  when he washed his hands, [1864]he was loath to fling away the foul water, complaining that he was undone, because the smoke got out of his roof.  And as he went from home, seeing a crow scratch upon the muck-hill, returned in all haste, taking it for malum omen, an ill sign, his money was digged up; with many such.  He that will but observe their actions, shall find these and many such passages not feigned for sport, but really performed, verified indeed by such covetous and miserable wretches, and that it is,

[1865]  ------“manifesta phrenesis
Ut locuples moriaris egenti vivere fato.”

A mere madness, to live like a wretch, and die rich.

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SUBSECT.  XIII.—­Love of Gaming, &c. and pleasures immoderate; Causes.

It is a wonder to see, how many poor, distressed, miserable wretches, one shall meet almost in every path and street, begging for an alms, that have been well descended, and sometimes in flourishing estate, now ragged, tattered, and ready to be starved, lingering out a painful life, in discontent and grief of body and mind, and all through immoderate lust, gaming, pleasure and riot.  ’Tis the common end of all sensual epicures and brutish prodigals, that are stupefied and carried away headlong with their several pleasures and lusts.  Cebes in his table, St. Ambrose in his second book of Abel and Cain, and amongst the rest Lucian in his tract de Mercede conductis, hath excellent well deciphered such men’s proceedings in his picture of Opulentia, whom he feigns to dwell on the top of a high mount, much sought after by many suitors; at their first coming they are generally entertained by pleasure and dalliance, and have all the content that possibly may be given, so long as their money lasts:  but when their means fail, they are contemptibly thrust out at a back door, headlong, and there left to shame, reproach, despair.  And he at first that had so many attendants, parasites, and followers, young and lusty, richly arrayed, and all the dainty fare that might be had, with all kind of welcome and good respect, is now upon a sudden stripped of all, [1866]pale, naked, old, diseased and forsaken, cursing his stars, and ready to strangle himself; having no other company but repentance, sorrow, grief, derision, beggary, and contempt, which are his daily attendants to his life’s end.  As the [1867]prodigal son had exquisite music, merry company, dainty fare at first; but a sorrowful reckoning in the end; so have all such vain delights and their followers. [1868]_Tristes voluptatum exitus, et quisquis voluptatum suarum reminisci volet, intelliget_, as bitter as gall and wormwood is their last; grief of mind, madness itself.  The ordinary rocks upon which such men do impinge and precipitate themselves, are cards, dice, hawks, and hounds, Insanum venandi studium, one calls it, insanae substructiones:  their mad structures, disports, plays, &c., when they are unseasonably used, imprudently handled, and beyond their fortunes.  Some men are consumed by mad fantastical buildings, by making galleries, cloisters, terraces, walks, orchards, gardens, pools, rillets, bowers, and such like places of pleasure; Inutiles domos, [1869]Xenophon calls them, which howsoever they be delightsome things in themselves, and acceptable to all beholders, an ornament, and benefiting some great men:  yet unprofitable to others, and the sole overthrow of their estates.  Forestus in his observations hath an example of such a one that became melancholy upon the like occasion, having consumed his substance in an unprofitable building, which would afterward yield him no advantage.  Others, I say,

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[1884] “Alea Scylla vorax, species certissima furti,
        Non contenta bonis animum quoque perfida mergit,
        Foeda, furax, infamis, iners, furiosa, ruina.”

For a little pleasure they take, and some small gains and gettings now and then, their wives and children are ringed in the meantime, and they themselves with loss of body and soul rue it in the end.  I will say nothing of those prodigious prodigals, perdendae pecuniae, genitos, as he [1885] taxed Anthony, Qui patrimonium sine ulla fori calumnia amittunt, saith [1886]Cyprian, and [1887]mad sybaritical spendthrifts, Quique una comedunt patrimonia coena; that eat up all at a breakfast, at a supper, or amongst bawds, parasites, and players, consume themselves in an instant, as if they had flung it into [1888]Tiber, with great wages, vain and idle expenses, &c., not themselves only, but even all their friends, as a man desperately swimming drowns him that comes to help him, by suretyship and borrowing they will willingly undo all their associates and allies. [1889] Irati pecuniis, as he saith, angry with their money:  [1890]"what with a wanton eye, a liquorish tongue, and a gamesome hand,” when they have indiscreetly impoverished themselves, mortgaged their wits, together with their lands, and entombed their ancestors’ fair possessions in their bowels, they may lead the rest of their days in prison, as many times they do; they repent at leisure; and when all is gone begin to be thrifty:  but Sera est in fundo parsimonia, ’tis then too late to look about; their [1891]end is misery, sorrow, shame, and discontent.  And well they deserve to be infamous and discontent. [1892]_Catamidiari in Amphitheatro_, as by Adrian the emperor’s edict they were of old, decoctores bonorum suorum, so he calls them, prodigal fools, to be publicly shamed,

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I may not here omit those two main plagues, and common dotages of human kind, wine and women, which have infatuated and besotted myriads of people; they go commonly together.

[1896] “Qui vino indulget, quemque aloa decoquit, ille
In venerem putret”------

To whom is sorrow, saith Solomon, Pro. xxiii. 39, to whom is woe, but to such a one as loves drink? it causeth torture, (vino tortus et ira) and bitterness of mind, Sirac. 31. 21. Vinum furoris, Jeremy calls it, 15. cap. wine of madness, as well he may, for insanire facit sanos, it makes sound men sick and sad, and wise men [1897]mad, to say and do they know not what. Accidit hodie terribilis casus (saith [1898]S.  Austin) hear a miserable accident; Cyrillus’ son this day in his drink, Matrem praegnantem nequiter oppressit, sororem violare voluit, patrem occidit fere, et duas alias sorores ad mortem vulneravit, would have violated his sister, killed his father, &c.  A true saying it was of him, Vino dari laetitiam et dolorem, drink causeth mirth, and drink causeth sorrow, drink causeth “poverty and want,” (Prov. xxi.) shame and disgrace. Multi ignobiles evasere ob vini potum, et (Austin) amissis honoribus profugi aberrarunt:  many men have made shipwreck of their fortunes, and go like rogues and beggars, having turned all their substance into aurum potabile, that otherwise might have lived in good worship and happy estate, and for a few hours’ pleasure, for their Hilary term’s but short, or [1899]free madness, as Seneca calls it, purchase unto themselves eternal tediousness and trouble.

That other madness is on women, Apostatare facit cor, saith the wise man, [1900]_Atque homini cerebrum minuit_.  Pleasant at first she is, like Dioscorides Rhododaphne, that fair plant to the eye, but poison to the taste, the rest as bitter as wormwood in the end (Prov. v. 4.) and sharp as a two-edged sword, (vii. 27.) “Her house is the way to hell, and goes down to the chambers of death.”  What more sorrowful can be said? they are miserable in this life, mad, beasts, led like [1901]"oxen to the slaughter:”  and that which is worse, whoremasters and drunkards shall be judged, amittunt gratiam, saith Austin, perdunt gloriam, incurrunt damnationem aeternam.  They lose grace and glory;

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[1902]  ------“brevis illa voluptas
Abrogat aeternum caeli decus”------

they gain hell and eternal damnation.

SUBSECT.  XIV.—­Philautia, or Self-love, Vainglory, Praise, Honour,
Immoderate Applause, Pride, overmuch Joy, &c., Causes.

Self-love, pride, and vainglory, [1903]_caecus amor sui_, which Chrysostom calls one of the devil’s three great nets; [1904]"Bernard, an arrow which pierceth the soul through, and slays it; a sly, insensible enemy, not perceived,” are main causes.  Where neither anger, lust, covetousness, fear, sorrow, &c., nor any other perturbation can lay hold; this will slyly and insensibly pervert us, Quem non gula vicit, Philautia, superavit, (saith Cyprian) whom surfeiting could not overtake, self-love hath overcome. [1905]"He hath scorned all money, bribes, gifts, upright otherwise and sincere, hath inserted himself to no fond imagination, and sustained all those tyrannical concupiscences of the body, hath lost all his honour, captivated by vainglory.”  Chrysostom, sup.  Io. Tu sola animum mentemque peruris, gloria.  A great assault and cause of our present malady, although we do most part neglect, take no notice of it, yet this is a violent batterer of our souls, causeth melancholy and dotage.  This pleasing humour; this soft and whispering popular air, Amabilis insania; this delectable frenzy, most irrefragable passion, Mentis gratissimus error, this acceptable disease, which so sweetly sets upon us, ravisheth our senses, lulls our souls asleep, puffs up our hearts as so many bladders, and that without all feeling, [1906]insomuch as “those that are misaffected with it, never so much as once perceive it, or think of any cure.”  We commonly love him best in this [1907]malady, that doth us most harm, and are very willing to be hurt; adulationibus nostris libentur facemus (saith [1908] Jerome) we love him, we love him for it:  [1909]_O Bonciari suave, suave fuit a te tali haec tribui_; ’Twas sweet to hear it.  And as [1910]Pliny doth ingenuously confess to his dear friend Augurinus, “all thy writings are most acceptable, but those especially that speak of us.”  Again, a little after to Maximus, [1911]"I cannot express how pleasing it is to me to hear myself commended.”  Though we smile to ourselves, at least ironically, when parasites bedaub us with false encomiums, as many princes cannot choose but do, Quum tale quid nihil intra se repererint, when they know they come as far short, as a mouse to an elephant, of any such virtues; yet it doth us good.  Though we seem many times to be angry, [1912] “and blush at our own praises, yet our souls inwardly rejoice, it puffs us up;” ’tis fallax suavitas, blandus daemon, “makes us swell beyond our bounds, and forget ourselves.”  Her two daughters are lightness of mind, immoderate joy and pride, not excluding those other concomitant vices, which [1913]Iodocus Lorichius reckons up; bragging, hypocrisy, peevishness, and curiosity.

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Now the common cause of this mischief, ariseth from ourselves or others, [1914]we are active and passive.  It proceeds inwardly from ourselves, as we are active causes, from an overweening conceit we have of our good parts, own worth, (which indeed is no worth) our bounty, favour, grace, valour, strength, wealth, patience, meekness, hospitality, beauty, temperance, gentry, knowledge, wit, science, art, learning, our [1915] excellent gifts and fortunes, for which, Narcissus-like, we admire, flatter, and applaud ourselves, and think all the world esteems so of us; and as deformed women easily believe those that tell them they be fair, we are too credulous of our own good parts and praises, too well persuaded of ourselves.  We brag and venditate our [1916]own works, and scorn all others in respect of us; Inflati scientia, (saith Paul) our wisdom, [1917]our learning, all our geese are swans, and we as basely esteem and vilify other men’s, as we do over-highly prize and value our own.  We will not suffer them to be in secundis, no, not in tertiis; what, Mecum confertur Ulysses? they are Mures, Muscae, culices prae se, nits and flies compared to his inexorable and supercilious, eminent and arrogant worship:  though indeed they be far before him.  Only wise, only rich, only fortunate, valorous, and fair, puffed up with this tympany of self-conceit; [1918]as that proud Pharisee, they are not (as they suppose) “like other men,” of a purer and more precious metal:  [1919]_Soli rei gerendi sunt efficaces_, which that wise Periander held of such:  [1920]_meditantur omne qui prius negotium_, &c. Novi quendam (saith [1921]Erasmus) I knew one so arrogant that he thought himself inferior to no man living, like [1922]Callisthenes the philosopher, that neither held Alexander’s acts, or any other subject worthy of his pen, such was his insolency; or Seleucus king of Syria, who thought none fit to contend with him but the Romans. [1923]_Eos solos dignos ratus quibuscum de imperio certaret_.  That which Tully writ to Atticus long since, is still in force. [1924]"There was never yet true poet nor orator, that thought any other better than himself.”  And such for the most part are your princes, potentates, great philosophers, historiographers, authors of sects or heresies, and all our great scholars, as [1925]Hierom defines; “a natural philosopher is a glorious creature, and a very slave of rumour, fame, and popular opinion,” and though they write de contemptu gloriae, yet as he observes, they will put their names to their books. Vobis et famae, me semper dedi, saith Trebellius Pollio, I have wholly consecrated myself to you and fame. “’Tis all my desire, night and day, ’tis all my study to raise my name.”  Proud [1926]Pliny seconds him; Quamquam O! &c. and that vainglorious [1927]orator is not ashamed to confess in an Epistle of his to Marcus Lecceius, Ardeo incredibili cupididate, &c.  “I burn with an incredible desire to have my

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       “And when I am dead and gone,
        My corpse laid under a stone
        My fame shall yet survive,
        And I shall be alive,
        In these my works for ever,
        My glory shall persever,” &c.

And that of Ennius,

       “Nemo me lachrymis decoret, neque funera fletu
        Faxit, cur? volito docta per ora virum.”

“Let none shed tears over me, or adorn my bier with sorrow—­because I am eternally in the mouths of men.”  With many such proud strains, and foolish flashes too common with writers.  Not so much as Democharis on the [1931] Topics, but he will be immortal. Typotius de fama, shall be famous, and well he deserves, because he writ of fame; and every trivial poet must be renowned,—­Plausuque petit clarescere vulgi.  “He seeks the applause of the public.”  This puffing humour it is, that hath produced so many great tomes, built such famous monuments, strong castles, and Mausolean tombs, to have their acts eternised,—­Digito monstrari, et dicier hic est; “to be pointed at with the finger, and to have it said ‘there he goes,’” to see their names inscribed, as Phryne on the walls of Thebes, Phryne fecit; this causeth so many bloody battles,—­Et noctes cogit vigilare serenas; “and induces us to watch during calm nights.”  Long journeys, Magnum iter intendo, sed dat mihi gloria vires, “I contemplate a monstrous journey, but the love of glory strengthens me for it,” gaining honour, a little applause, pride, self-love, vainglory.  This is it which makes them take such pains, and break out into those ridiculous strains, this high conceit of themselves, to [1932]scorn all others; ridiculo fastu et intolerando contemptu; as [1933]Palaemon the grammarian contemned Varro, secum et natas et morituras literas jactans, and brings them to that height of insolency, that they cannot endure to be contradicted, [1934]"or hear of anything but their own commendation,” which Hierom notes of such kind of men.  And as [1935]Austin well seconds him, “’tis their sole study day and night to be commended and applauded.”  When as indeed, in all wise men’s judgments, quibus cor sapit, they are [1936]mad, empty vessels, funges, beside themselves, derided, et ut Camelus in proverbio quaerens cornua, etiam quas habebat aures amisit, [1937]their works are toys, as an almanac out of date, [1938]_authoris pereunt garrulitate sui_, they seek fame and immortality, but reap dishonour and infamy, they are a common obloquy, insensati, and come far short of that which they suppose or expect. [1939]_O puer ut sis vitalis metuo_,

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------“How much I dread
Thy days are short, some lord shall strike thee dead.”

Of so many myriads of poets, rhetoricians, philosophers, sophisters, as [1940]Eusebius well observes, which have written in former ages, scarce one of a thousand’s works remains, nomina et libri simul cum corporibus interierunt, their books and bodies are perished together.  It is not as they vainly think, they shall surely be admired and immortal, as one told Philip of Macedon insultingly, after a victory, that his shadow was no longer than before, we may say to them,

       “Nos demiramur, sed non cum deside vulgo,
        Sed velut Harpyas, Gorgonas, et Furias.”

       “We marvel too, not as the vulgar we,
        But as we Gorgons, Harpies, or Furies see.”

Or if we do applaud, honour and admire, quota pars, how small a part, in respect of the whole world, never so much as hears our names, how few take notice of us, how slender a tract, as scant as Alcibiades’ land in a map!  And yet every man must and will be immortal, as he hopes, and extend his fame to our antipodes, when as half, no not a quarter of his own province or city, neither knows nor hears of him—­but say they did, what’s a city to a kingdom, a kingdom to Europe, Europe to the world, the world itself that must have an end, if compared to the least visible star in the firmament, eighteen times bigger than it? and then if those stars be infinite, and every star there be a sun, as some will, and as this sun of ours hath his planets about him, all inhabited, what proportion bear we to them, and where’s our glory? Orbem terrarum victor Romanus habebat, as he cracked in Petronius, all the world was under Augustus:  and so in Constantine’s time, Eusebius brags he governed all the world, universum mundum praeclare admodum administravit,—­et omnes orbis gentes Imperatori subjecti:  so of Alexander it is given out, the four monarchies, &c. when as neither Greeks nor Romans ever had the fifteenth part of the now known world, nor half of that which was then described.  What braggadocios are they and we then? quam brevis hic de nobis sermo, as [1941]he said, [1942]_pudebit aucti nominis_, how short a time, how little a while doth this fame of ours continue?  Every private province, every small territory and city, when we have all done, will yield as generous spirits, as brave examples in all respects, as famous as ourselves, Cadwallader in Wales, Rollo in Normandy, Robin Hood and Little John, are as much renowned in Sherwood, as Caesar in Rome, Alexander in Greece, or his Hephestion, [1943] Omnis aetas omnisque populus in exemplum et admirationem veniet, every town, city, book, is full of brave soldiers, senators, scholars; and though [1944]Bracyclas was a worthy captain, a good man, and as they thought, not to be matched in Lacedaemon, yet as his mother truly said, plures habet Sparta Bracyda meliores, Sparta had many better men than ever he was; and howsoever thou admirest thyself, thy friend, many an obscure fellow the world never took notice of, had he been in place or action, would have done much better than he or he, or thou thyself.

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Another kind of mad men there is opposite to these, that are insensibly mad, and know not of it, such as contemn all praise and glory, think themselves most free, when as indeed they are most mad:  calcant sed alio fastu:  a company of cynics, such as are monks, hermits, anchorites, that contemn the world, contemn themselves, contemn all titles, honours, offices:  and yet in that contempt are more proud than any man living whatsoever.  They are proud in humility, proud in that they are not proud, saepe homo de vanae gloriae contemptu, vanius gloriatur, as Austin hath it, confess. lib. 10, cap. 38, like Diogenes, intus gloriantur, they brag inwardly, and feed themselves fat with a self-conceit of sanctity, which is no better than hypocrisy.  They go in sheep’s russet, many great men that might maintain themselves in cloth of gold, and seem to be dejected, humble by their outward carriage, when as inwardly they are swollen full of pride, arrogancy, and self-conceit.  And therefore Seneca adviseth his friend Lucilius, [1945]"in his attire and gesture, outward actions, especially to avoid all such things as are more notable in themselves:  as a rugged attire, hirsute head, horrid beard, contempt of money, coarse lodging, and whatsoever leads to fame that opposite way.”

All this madness yet proceeds from ourselves, the main engine which batters us is from others, we are merely passive in this business:  from a company of parasites and flatterers, that with immoderate praise, and bombast epithets, glossing titles, false eulogiums, so bedaub and applaud, gild over many a silly and undeserving man, that they clap him quite out of his wits. Res imprimis violenta est, as Hierom notes, this common applause is a most violent thing, laudum placenta, a drum, fife, and trumpet cannot so animate; that fattens men, erects and dejects them in an instant. [1946] Palma negata macrum, donata reducit opimum.  It makes them fat and lean, as frost doth conies. [1947]"And who is that mortal man that can so contain himself, that if he be immoderately commended and applauded, will not be moved?” Let him be what he will, those parasites will overturn him:  if he be a king, he is one of the nine worthies, more than a man, a god forthwith,—­[1948]_edictum Domini Deique nostri_:  and they will sacrifice unto him,

[1949]  ------“divinos si tu patiaris honores,
Ultro ipsi dabimus meritasque sacrabimus aras.”

If he be a soldier, then Themistocles, Epaminondas, Hector, Achilles, duo fulmina belli, triumviri terrarum, &c., and the valour of both Scipios is too little for him, he is invictissimus, serenissimus, multis trophaeus ornatissimus, naturae, dominus, although he be lepus galeatus, indeed a very coward, a milk-sop, [1950]and as he said of Xerxes, postremus in pugna, primus in fuga, and such a one as never durst look his enemy in the face.  If he be a big man, then is he a Samson, another Hercules;

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------“laudataque virtus
Crescit, et immensum gloria calcar habet."[1952]

he is mad, mad, mad, no woe with him:—­impatiens consortis erit, he will over the [1953]Alps to be talked of, or to maintain his credit.  Commend an ambitious man, some proud prince or potentate, si plus aequo laudetur (saith [1954]Erasmus) cristas erigit, exuit hominem, Deum se putat, he sets up his crest, and will be no longer a man but a God.

[1955]  ------“nihil est quod credere de se
Non audet quum laudatur diis aequa potestas."[1956]

How did this work with Alexander, that would needs be Jupiter’s son, and go like Hercules in a lion’s skin?  Domitian a god, [1957](Dominus Deus noster sic fieri jubet,) like the [1958]Persian kings, whose image was adored by all that came into the city of Babylon.  Commodus the emperor was so gulled by his flattering parasites, that he must be called Hercules. [1959]Antonius the Roman would be crowned with ivy, carried in a chariot, and adored for Bacchus.  Cotys, king of Thrace, was married to [1960] Minerva, and sent three several messengers one after another, to see if she were come to his bedchamber.  Such a one was [1961]Jupiter Menecrates, Maximinus, Jovianus, Dioclesianus Herculeus, Sapor the Persian king, brother of the sun and moon, and our modern Turks, that will be gods on earth, kings of kings, God’s shadow, commanders of all that may be commanded, our kings of China and Tartary in this present age.  Such a one was Xerxes, that would whip the sea, fetter Neptune, stulta jactantia, and send a challenge to Mount Athos; and such are many sottish princes, brought into a fool’s paradise by their parasites, ’tis a common humour, incident to all men, when they are in great places, or come to the solstice of honour, have done, or deserved well, to applaud and flatter themselves. Stultitiam suam produnt, &c., (saith [1962]Platerus) your very tradesmen if they be excellent, will crack and brag, and show their folly in excess.  They have good parts, and they know it, you need not tell them of it; out of a conceit of their worth, they go smiling

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SUBSECT.  XV.—­Love of Learning, or overmuch study.  With a Digression of the misery of Scholars, and why the Muses are Melancholy.

Leonartus Fuchsius Instit. lib. iii. sect. 1. cap. 1. Felix Plater, lib. iii. de mentis alienat.  Herc. de Saxonia, Tract. post. de melanch. cap. 3, speak of a [1970]peculiar fury, which comes by overmuch study.  Fernelius, lib. 1, cap. 18, [1971]puts study, contemplation, and continual meditation, as an especial cause of madness:  and in his 86 consul. cites the same words.  Jo.  Arculanus, in lib. 9, Rhasis ad Alnansorem, cap. 16, amongst other causes reckons up studium vehemens:  so doth Levinus Lemnius, lib. de occul. nat. mirac. lib. 1, cap. 16. [1972]"Many men” (saith he) “come to this malady by continual [1973]study, and night-waking, and of all other men, scholars are most subject to it:”  and such Rhasis adds, [1974]"that have commonly the finest wits.” Cont. lib. 1, tract. 9, Marsilius Ficinus, de sanit. tuenda, lib. 1. cap. 7, puts melancholy amongst one of those five principal plagues of students, ’tis a common Maul unto them all, and almost in some measure an inseparable companion.  Varro belike for that cause calls Tristes Philosophos et severos, severe, sad, dry, tetric, are common epithets to scholars:  and [1975]Patritius

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Two main reasons may be given of it, why students should be more subject to this malady than others.  The one is, they live a sedentary, solitary life, sibi et musis, free from bodily exercise, and those ordinary disports which other men use:  and many times if discontent and idleness concur with it, which is too frequent, they are precipitated into this gulf on a sudden:  but the common cause is overmuch study; too much learning (as [1978]Festus told Paul) hath made thee mad; ’tis that other extreme which effects it.  So did Trincavelius, lib. 1, consil. 12 and 13, find by his experience, in two of his patients, a young baron, and another that contracted this malady by too vehement study.  So Forestus, observat. l. 10, observ. 13, in a young divine in Louvain, that was mad, and said [1979]"he had a Bible in his head:”  Marsilius Ficinus de sanit. tuend. lib. 1, cap. 1, 3, 4, and lib. 2, cap. 16, gives many reasons, [1980] “why students dote more often than others.”  The first is their negligence; [1981]"other men look to their tools, a painter will wash his pencils, a smith will look to his hammer, anvil, forge; a husbandman will mend his plough-irons, and grind his hatchet if it be dull; a falconer or huntsman will have an especial care of his hawks, hounds, horses, dogs, &c.; a musician will string and unstring his lute, &c.; only scholars neglect that instrument, their brain and spirits (I mean) which they daily use, and by which they range overall the world, which by much study is consumed.” Vide (saith Lucian) ne funiculum nimis intendendo aliquando abrumpas:  “See thou twist not the rope so hard, till at length it [1982]break.”  Facinus in his fourth chap. gives some other reasons; Saturn and Mercury, the patrons of learning, they are both dry planets:  and Origanus assigns the same cause, why Mercurialists are so poor, and most part beggars; for that their president Mercury had no better fortune himself.  The destinies of old put poverty upon him as a punishment; since when, poetry and beggary are Gemelli, twin-born brats, inseparable companions;

[1983] “And to this day is every scholar poor;
        Gross gold from them runs headlong to the boor:” 

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Mercury can help them to knowledge, but not to money.  The second is contemplation, [1984]"which dries the brain and extinguisheth natural heat; for whilst the spirits are intent to meditation above in the head, the stomach and liver are left destitute, and thence come black blood and crudities by defect of concoction, and for want of exercise the superfluous vapours cannot exhale,” &c.  The same reasons are repeated by Gomesius, lib. 4, cap. 1, de sale [1985]Nymannus orat. de Imag. Jo.  Voschius, lib. 2, cap. 5, de peste:  and something more they add, that hard students are commonly troubled with gouts, catarrhs, rheums, cachexia, bradiopepsia, bad eyes, stone and colic, [1986]crudities, oppilations, vertigo, winds, consumptions, and all such diseases as come by overmuch sitting; they are most part lean, dry, ill-coloured, spend their fortunes, lose their wits, and many times their lives, and all through immoderate pains, and extraordinary studies.  If you will not believe the truth of this, look upon great Tostatus and Thomas Aquinas’s works, and tell me whether those men took pains? peruse Austin, Hierom, &c., and many thousands besides.

       “Qui cupit optatam cursu contingere metam,
        Multa tulit, fecitque puer, sudavit et alsit.”

       “He that desires this wished goal to gain,
        Must sweat and freeze before he can attain,”

and labour hard for it.  So did Seneca, by his own confession, ep. 8. [1987]"Not a day that I spend idle, part of the night I keep mine eyes open, tired with waking, and now slumbering to their continual task.”  Hear Tully pro Archia Poeta:  “whilst others loitered, and took their pleasures, he was continually at his book,” so they do that will be scholars, and that to the hazard (I say) of their healths, fortunes, wits, and lives.  How much did Aristotle and Ptolemy spend? unius regni precium they say, more than a king’s ransom; how many crowns per annum, to perfect arts, the one about his History of Creatures, the other on his Almagest?  How much time did Thebet Benchorat employ, to find out the motion of the eighth sphere? forty years and more, some write:  how many poor scholars have lost their wits, or become dizzards, neglecting all worldly affairs and their own health, wealth, esse and bene esse, to gain knowledge for which, after all their pains, in this world’s esteem they are accounted ridiculous and silly fools, idiots, asses, and (as oft they are) rejected, contemned, derided, doting, and mad.  Look for examples in Hildesheim spicel. 2, de mania et delirio:  read Trincavellius, l. 3. consil. 36, et c. 17. Montanus, consil. 233. [1988]Garceus de Judic. genit. cap. 33. Mercurialis, consil. 86, cap. 25. Prosper [1989]Calenius in his Book de atra bile; Go to Bedlam and ask.  Or if they keep their wits, yet they are esteemed scrubs and fools by reason of their carriage:  “after seven years’ study”

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------“statua, taciturnius exit,
Plerumque et risum populi quatit.”------

“He becomes more silent than a statue, and generally excites people’s laughter.”  Because they cannot ride a horse, which every clown can do; salute and court a gentlewoman, carve at table, cringe and make conges, which every common swasher can do, [1990]_hos populus ridet_, &c., they are laughed to scorn, and accounted silly fools by our gallants.  Yea, many times, such is their misery, they deserve it:  [1991]a mere scholar, a mere ass.

[1992] “Obstipo capite, et figentes lumine terram,
        Murmura cum secum, et rabiosa silentia rodunt,
        Atque experrecto trutinantur verba labello,
        Aegroti veteris meditantes somnia, gigni
        De nihilo nihilum; in nihilum nil posse reverti.”

[1993]  ------“who do lean awry
Their heads, piercing the earth with a fixt eye;
When, by themselves, they gnaw their murmuring,
And furious silence, as ’twere balancing
Each word upon their out-stretched lip, and when
They meditate the dreams of old sick men,
As, ’Out of nothing, nothing can be brought;
And that which is, can ne’er be turn’d to nought.’”

Thus they go commonly meditating unto themselves, thus they sit, such is their action and gesture.  Fulgosus, l. 8, c. 7, makes mention how Th.  Aquinas supping with king Lewis of France, upon a sudden knocked his fist upon the table, and cried, conclusum est contra Manichaeos, his wits were a wool-gathering, as they say, and his head busied about other matters, when he perceived his error, he was much [1994]abashed.  Such a story there is of Archimedes in Vitruvius, that having found out the means to know how much gold was mingled with the silver in king Hieron’s crown, ran naked forth of the bath and cried [Greek:  heuraeka], I have found:  [1995]"and was commonly so intent to his studies, that he never perceived what was done about him:  when the city was taken, and the soldiers now ready to rifle his house, he took no notice of it.”  St. Bernard rode all day long by the Lemnian lake, and asked at last where he was, Marullus, lib. 2, cap. 4. It was Democritus’s carriage alone that made the Abderites suppose him to have been mad, and send for Hippocrates to cure him:  if he had been in any solemn company, he would upon all occasions fall a laughing.  Theophrastus saith as much of Heraclitus, for that he continually wept, and Laertius of Menedemus Lampsacus, because he ran like a madman, [1996]saying, “he came from hell as a spy, to tell the devils what mortal men did.”  Your greatest students are commonly no better, silly, soft fellows in their outward behaviour, absurd, ridiculous to others, and no whit experienced in worldly business; they can measure the heavens, range over the world, teach others wisdom, and yet in bargains and contracts they are circumvented by every base tradesman.  Are not these men fools? and how should they be otherwise,

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Now because they are commonly subject to such hazards and inconveniences as dotage, madness, simplicity, &c.  Jo.  Voschius would have good scholars to be highly rewarded, and had in some extraordinary respect above other men, “to have greater [2000]privileges than the rest, that adventure themselves and abbreviate their lives for the public good.”  But our patrons of learning are so far nowadays from respecting the muses, and giving that honour to scholars, or reward which they deserve, and are allowed by those indulgent privileges of many noble princes, that after all their pains taken in the universities, cost and charge, expenses, irksome hours, laborious tasks, wearisome days, dangers, hazards, (barred interim from all pleasures which other men have, mewed up like hawks all their lives) if they chance to wade through them, they shall in the end be rejected, contemned, and which is their greatest misery, driven to their shifts, exposed to want, poverty, and beggary.  Their familiar attendants are,

[2001] “Pallentes morbi, luctus, curaeque laborque
        Et metus, et malesuada fames, et turpis egestas,
        Terribiles visu formae”------

       “Grief, labour, care, pale sickness, miseries,
        Fear, filthy poverty, hunger that cries,
        Terrible monsters to be seen with eyes.”

If there were nothing else to trouble them, the conceit of this alone were enough to make them all melancholy.  Most other trades and professions, after some seven years’ apprenticeship, are enabled by their craft to live of themselves.  A merchant adventures his goods at sea, and though his hazard be great, yet if one ship return of four, he likely makes a saving voyage.  An husbandman’s gains are almost certain; quibus ipse Jupiter nocere non potest (whom Jove himself can’t harm) (’tis [2002]Cato’s hyperbole, a great husband himself); only scholars methinks are most uncertain, unrespected, subject to all casualties, and hazards.  For first, not one of a many proves to be a scholar, all are not capable

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[2005] “Hoc quoque te manet ut pueros elementa docentem
        Occupet extremis in vicis alba senectus.”

       “At last thy snow-white age in suburb schools,
        Shall toil in teaching boys their grammar rules.”

Like an ass, he wears out his time for provender, and can show a stump rod, togam tritam et laceram saith [2006]Haedus, an old torn gown, an ensign of his infelicity, he hath his labour for his pain, a modicum to keep him till he be decrepit, and that is all. Grammaticus non est felix, &c.  If he be a trencher chaplain in a gentleman’s house, as it befell [2007] Euphormio, after some seven years’ service, he may perchance have a living to the halves, or some small rectory with the mother of the maids at length, a poor kinswoman, or a cracked chambermaid, to have and to hold during the time of his life.  But if he offend his good patron, or displease his lady mistress in the mean time,

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[2008] “Ducetur Planta velut ictus ab Hercule Cacus,
        Poneturque foras, si quid tentaverit unquam
        Hiscere”------

as Hercules did by Cacus, he shall be dragged forth of doors by the heels, away with him.  If he bend his forces to some other studies, with an intent to be a secretis to some nobleman, or in such a place with an ambassador, he shall find that these persons rise like apprentices one under another, and in so many tradesmen’s shops, when the master is dead, the foreman of the shop commonly steps in his place.  Now for poets, rhetoricians, historians, philosophers, [2009]mathematicians, sophisters, &c.; they are like grasshoppers, sing they must in summer, and pine in the winter, for there is no preferment for them.  Even so they were at first, if you will believe that pleasant tale of Socrates, which he told fair Phaedrus under a plane-tree, at the banks of the river Iseus; about noon when it was hot, and the grasshoppers made a noise, he took that sweet occasion to tell him a tale, how grasshoppers were once scholars, musicians, poets, &c., before the Muses were born, and lived without meat and drink, and for that cause were turned by Jupiter into grasshoppers.  And may be turned again, In Tythoni Cicadas, aut Lyciorum ranas, for any reward I see they are like to have:  or else in the mean time, I would they could live, as they did, without any viaticum, like so many [2010]manucodiatae, those Indian birds of paradise, as we commonly call them, those I mean that live with the air and dew of heaven, and need no other food; for being as they are, their [2011]"rhetoric only serves them to curse their bad fortunes,” and many of them for want of means are driven to hard shifts; from grasshoppers they turn humble-bees and wasps, plain parasites, and make the muses, mules, to satisfy their hunger-starved paunches, and get a meal’s meat.  To say truth, ’tis the common fortune of most scholars, to be servile and poor, to complain pitifully, and lay open their wants to their respectless patrons, as [2012]Cardan doth, as [2013]Xilander and many others:  and which is too common in those dedicatory epistles, for hope of gain, to lie, flatter, and with hyperbolical eulogiums and commendations, to magnify and extol an illiterate unworthy idiot, for his excellent virtues, whom they should rather, as [2014]Machiavel observes, vilify, and rail at downright for his most notorious villainies and vices.  So they prostitute themselves as fiddlers, or mercenary tradesmen, to serve great men’s turns for a small reward.  They are like [2015]Indians, they have store of gold, but know not the worth of it:  for I am of Synesius’s opinion, [2016]"King Hieron got more by Simonides’ acquaintance, than Simonides did by his;” they have their best education, good institution, sole qualification from us, and when they have done well, their honour and immortality from us:  we are the living tombs, registers, and as so many trumpeters of their fames:  what was Achilles without Homer?  Alexander without Arian and Curtius? who had known the Caesars, but for Suetonius and Dion?

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[2017] “Vixerunt fortes ante Agamemnona
        Multi:  sed omnes illachrymabiles
        Urgentur, ignotique longa
        Nocte, carent quia vate sacro.”

       “Before great Agamemnon reign’d,
          Reign’d kings as great as he, and brave,
        Whose huge ambition’s now contain’d
          In the small compass of a grave:” 

       “In endless night, they sleep, unwept, unknown,
        No bard they had to make all time their own.”

they are more beholden to scholars, than scholars to them; but they undervalue themselves, and so by those great men are kept down.  Let them have that encyclopaedian, all the learning in the world; they must keep it to themselves, [2018]"live in base esteem, and starve, except they will submit,” as Budaeus well hath it, “so many good parts, so many ensigns of arts, virtues, be slavishly obnoxious to some illiterate potentate, and live under his insolent worship, or honour, like parasites,” Qui tanquam mures alienum panem comedunt.  For to say truth, artes hae, non sunt Lucrativae, as Guido Bonat that great astrologer could foresee, they be not gainful arts these, sed esurientes et famelicae, but poor and hungry.

[2019] “Dat Galenus opes, dat Justinianus honores,
          Sed genus et species cogitur ire pedes:” 

       “The rich physician, honour’d lawyers ride,
        Whilst the poor scholar foots it by their side.”

Poverty is the muses’ patrimony, and as that poetical divinity teacheth us, when Jupiter’s daughters were each of them married to the gods, the muses alone were left solitary, Helicon forsaken of all suitors, and I believe it was, because they had no portion.

       “Calliope longum caelebs cur vixit in aevum? 
          Nempe nihil dotis, quod numeraret, erat.”

       “Why did Calliope live so long a maid? 
        Because she had no dowry to be paid.”

Ever since all their followers are poor, forsaken and left unto themselves.  Insomuch, that as [2020]Petronius argues, you shall likely know them by their clothes.  “There came,” saith he, “by chance into my company, a fellow not very spruce to look on, that I could perceive by that note alone he was a scholar, whom commonly rich men hate:  I asked him what he was, he answered, a poet:  I demanded again why he was so ragged, he told me this kind of learning never made any man rich.”

[2021] “Qui Pelago credit, magno se faenore tollit,
        Qui pugnas et rostra petit, praecingitur auro: 
        Vilis adulator picto jacet ebrius ostro,
        Sola pruinosis horret facundia pannis.”

       “A merchant’s gain is great, that goes to sea;
          A soldier embossed all in gold;
        A flatterer lies fox’d in brave array;
          A scholar only ragged to behold.”

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All which our ordinary students, right well perceiving in the universities, how unprofitable these poetical, mathematical, and philosophical studies are, how little respected, how few patrons; apply themselves in all haste to those three commodious professions of law, physic, and divinity, sharing themselves between them, [2022]rejecting these arts in the mean time, history, philosophy, philology, or lightly passing them over, as pleasant toys fitting only table-talk, and to furnish them with discourse.  They are not so behoveful:  he that can tell his money hath arithmetic enough:  he is a true geometrician, can measure out a good fortune to himself; a perfect astrologer, that can cast the rise and fall of others, and mark their errant motions to his own use.  The best optics are, to reflect the beams of some great man’s favour and grace to shine upon him.  He is a good engineer that alone can make an instrument to get preferment.  This was the common tenet and practice of Poland, as Cromerus observed not long since, in the first book of his history; their universities were generally base, not a philosopher, a mathematician, an antiquary, &c., to be found of any note amongst them, because they had no set reward or stipend, but every man betook himself to divinity, hoc solum in votis habens, opimum sacerdotium, a good parsonage was their aim.  This was the practice of some of our near neighbours, as [2023]Lipsius inveighs, “they thrust their children to the study of law and divinity, before they be informed aright, or capable of such studies.” Scilicet omnibus artibus antistat spes lucri, et formosior est cumulus auri, quam quicquid Graeci Latinique delirantes scripserunt.  Ex hoc numero deinde veniunt ad gubernacula reipub. intersunt et praesunt consiliis regum, o pater, o patria? so he complained, and so may others.  For even so we find, to serve a great man, to get an office in some bishop’s court (to practise in some good town) or compass a benefice, is the mark we shoot at, as being so advantageous, the highway to preferment.

Although many times, for aught I can see, these men fail as often as the rest in their projects, and are as usually frustrate of their hopes.  For let him be a doctor of the law, an excellent civilian of good worth, where shall he practise and expatiate?  Their fields are so scant, the civil law with us so contracted with prohibitions, so few causes, by reason of those all-devouring municipal laws, quibus nihil illiteratius, saith [2024] Erasmus, an illiterate and a barbarous study, (for though they be never so well learned in it, I can hardly vouchsafe them the name of scholars, except they be otherwise qualified) and so few courts are left to that profession, such slender offices, and those commonly to be compassed at such dear rates, that I know not how an ingenious man should thrive amongst them.  Now for physicians, there are in every village so many mountebanks, empirics, quacksalvers, Paracelsians, as they call themselves, Caucifici et sanicidae so [2025]Clenard terms them, wizards, alchemists, poor vicars, cast apothecaries, physicians’ men, barbers, and good wives, professing great skill, that I make great doubt how they shall be maintained, or who shall be their patients.  Besides, there are so many of both sorts, and some of them such harpies, so covetous, so clamorous, so impudent; and as [2026]he said, litigious idiots,

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       “Quibus loquacis affatim arrogantiae est
          Pentiae parum aut nihil,
        Nec ulla mica literarii salis,
          Crumenimulga natio: 
        Loquuteleia turba, litium strophae,
          Maligna litigantium cohors, togati vultures,”

       “Lavernae alumni, Agyrtae,” &c.

       “Which have no skill but prating arrogance,
          No learning, such a purse-milking nation: 
        Gown’d vultures, thieves, and a litigious rout
          Of cozeners, that haunt this occupation,”

that they cannot well tell how to live one by another, but as he jested in the Comedy of Clocks, they were so many, [2027]_major pars populi arida reptant fame_, they are almost starved a great part of them, and ready to devour their fellows, [2028]_Et noxia callidilate se corripere_, such a multitude of pettifoggers and empirics, such impostors, that an honest man knows not in what sort to compose and behave himself in their society, to carry himself with credit in so vile a rout, scientiae nomen, tot sumptibus partum et vigiliis, profiteri dispudeat, postquam, &c.

Last of all to come to our divines, the most noble profession and worthy of double honour, but of all others the most distressed and miserable.  If you will not believe me, hear a brief of it, as it was not many years since publicly preached at Paul’s cross, [2029]by a grave minister then, and now a reverend bishop of this land:  “We that are bred up in learning, and destinated by our parents to this end, we suffer our childhood in the grammar-school, which Austin calls magnam tyrannidem, et grave malum, and compares it to the torments of martyrdom; when we come to the university, if we live of the college allowance, as Phalaris objected to the Leontines, [Greek:  pan ton endeis plaen limou kai phobou], needy of all things but hunger and fear, or if we be maintained but partly by our parents’ cost, do expend in unnecessary maintenance, books and degrees, before we come to any perfection, five hundred pounds, or a thousand marks.  If by this price of the expense of time, our bodies and spirits, our substance and patrimonies, we cannot purchase those small rewards, which are ours by law, and the right of inheritance, a poor parsonage, or a vicarage of 50_l._ per annum, but we must pay to the patron for the lease of a life (a spent and out-worn life) either in annual pension, or above the rate of a copyhold, and that with the hazard and loss of our souls, by simony and perjury, and the forfeiture of all our spiritual preferments, in esse and posse, both present and to come.  What father after a while will be so improvident to bring up his son to his great charge, to this necessary beggary?  What Christian will be so irreligious, to bring up his son in that course of life, which by all probability and necessity, cogit ad turpia, enforcing to sin, will entangle him in simony and perjury, when as the poet said, Invitatus

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Yea, but methinks I hear some man except at these words, that though this be true which I have said of the estate of scholars, and especially of divines, that it is miserable and distressed at this time, that the church suffers shipwreck of her goods, and that they have just cause to complain; there is a fault, but whence proceeds it?  If the cause were justly examined, it would be retorted upon ourselves, if we were cited at that tribunal of truth, we should be found guilty, and not able to excuse it That there is a fault among us, I confess, and were there not a buyer, there would not be a seller; but to him that will consider better of it, it will more than manifestly appear, that the fountain of these miseries proceeds from these griping patrons.  In accusing them, I do not altogether excuse us; both are faulty, they and we:  yet in my judgment, theirs is the greater fault, more apparent causes and much to be condemned.  For my part, if it be not with me as I would, or as it should, I do ascribe the cause, as [2035]Cardan did in the like case; meo infortunio potius quam illorum sceleri, to [2036]mine own infelicity rather than their naughtiness:  although I have been baffled in my time by some of them, and have as just cause to complain as another:  or rather indeed to mine own negligence; for I was ever like that Alexander in [2037]Plutarch, Crassus his tutor in philosophy, who, though he lived many years familiarly

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[2041] “Opesque totis viribus venamini
        At inde messis accidit miserrima.”

They toil and moil, but what reap they?  They are commonly unfortunate families that use it, accursed in their progeny, and, as common experience evinceth, accursed themselves in all their proceedings.  “With what face” (as [2042]he quotes out of Aust.) “can they expect a blessing or inheritance from Christ in heaven, that defraud Christ of his inheritance here on earth?” I would all our simoniacal patrons, and such as detain tithes, would read those judicious tracts of Sir Henry Spelman, and Sir James Sempill, knights; those late elaborate and learned treatises of Dr. Tilslye, and Mr. Montague, which they have written of that subject.  But though they should read, it would be to small purpose, clames licet et mare coelo Confundas; thunder, lighten, preach hell and damnation, tell them ’tis a sin, they will not believe it; denounce and terrify, they have [2043]cauterised consciences, they do not attend, as the enchanted adder, they stop their ears.  Call them base, irreligious, profane, barbarous, pagans, atheists, epicures, (as some of them surely are) with the bawd in Plautus, Euge, optime, they cry and applaud themselves with that miser, [2044]_simul ac nummos contemplor in arca_:  say what you will, quocunque modo rem:  as a dog barks at the moon, to no purpose are your sayings:  Take your heaven, let them have money.  A base, profane, epicurean, hypocritical rout:  for my part, let them pretend what zeal they will, counterfeit religion, blear the world’s eyes, bombast themselves, and stuff out their greatness with church spoils, shine like so many peacocks; so cold is my charity, so defective in this behalf, that I shall never think better of them, than that they are rotten at core, their bones are full of epicurean hypocrisy, and atheistical marrow, they are worse than heathens.  For as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus observes, Antiq.  Rom. lib. 7. [2045]_Primum locum_, &c.  “Greeks and Barbarians observe all religious rites, and dare not break them for fear of offending their gods;” but our simoniacal contractors, our senseless Achans, our stupefied patrons, fear neither God nor devil, they have evasions for it, it is no sin, or not due jure divino, or if a sin, no great sin, &c.  And though they be daily punished for it, and they do manifestly perceive, that as he said, frost and fraud come to foul ends; yet as [2046]Chrysostom follows it Nulla ex poena sit correctio, et quasi adversis malitia hominum provocetur, crescit quotidie quod puniatur:  they are rather worse than better,—­iram atque animos a crimine sumunt, and the more they are corrected, the more they offend:  but let them take their course, [2047]_Rode caper vites_, go on still as they begin, ’tis no sin, let them rejoice secure, God’s vengeance will overtake them in the end, and these ill-gotten goods, as an eagle’s feathers, [2048] will consume the rest

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A second cause is ignorance, and from thence contempt, successit odium in literas ab ignorantia vulgi; which [2051]Junius well perceived:  this hatred and contempt of learning proceeds out of [2052]ignorance; as they are themselves barbarous, idiots, dull, illiterate, and proud, so they esteem of others. Sint Mecaenates, non deerunt Flacce Marones:  Let there be bountiful patrons, and there will be painful scholars in all sciences.  But when they contemn learning, and think themselves sufficiently qualified, if they can write and read, scramble at a piece of evidence, or have so much Latin as that emperor had, [2053]_qui nescit dissimulare, nescit vivere_, they are unfit to do their country service, to perform or undertake any action or employment, which may tend to the good of a commonwealth, except it be to fight, or to do country justice, with common sense, which every yeoman can likewise do.  And so they bring up their children, rude as they are themselves, unqualified, untaught, uncivil most part. [2054]_Quis e nostra juventute legitime instituitur literis?  Quis oratores aut Philosophos tangit? quis historiam legit, illam rerum agendarum quasi animam? praecipitant parentes vota sua_, &c. ‘twas Lipsius’ complaint to his illiterate countrymen, it may be ours.  Now shall these men judge of a scholar’s worth, that have no worth, that know not what belongs to a student’s labours, that cannot distinguish between a true scholar and a drone? or him that by reason of a voluble tongue, a strong voice, a pleasing tone, and some trivially polyanthean helps, steals and gleans a few notes from other men’s harvests, and so makes a fairer show, than he that is truly learned indeed:  that thinks it no more to preach, than to speak, [2055]"or to run away with an empty cart;” as a grave man said:  and thereupon vilify us, and our pains; scorn us, and all learning. [2056] Because they are rich, and have other means to live, they think it concerns them not to know, or to trouble themselves with it; a fitter task for younger brothers, or poor men’s sons, to be pen and inkhorn men, pedantical slaves, and no whit beseeming the calling of a gentleman, as Frenchmen and Germans commonly do, neglect therefore all human learning, what have they to do with it?  Let mariners learn

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[2057]  ------“media inter prealia semper,
Stellarum coelique plagis, superisque vacavit.”

[2058]Antonius, Adrian, Nero, Seve.  Jul. &c. [2059]Michael the emperor, and Isacius, were so much given to their studies, that no base fellow would take so much pains:  Orion, Perseus, Alphonsus, Ptolomeus, famous astronomers; Sabor, Mithridates, Lysimachus, admired physicians:  Plato’s kings all:  Evax, that Arabian prince, a most expert jeweller, and an exquisite philosopher; the kings of Egypt were priests of old, chosen and from thence,—­Idem rex hominum, Phoebique sacerdos:  but those heroical times are past; the Muses are now banished in this bastard age, ad sordida tuguriola, to meaner persons, and confined alone almost to universities.  In those days, scholars were highly beloved, [2060]honoured, esteemed; as old Ennius by Scipio Africanus, Virgil by Augustus; Horace by Meceanas:  princes’ companions; dear to them, as Anacreon to Polycrates; Philoxenus to Dionysius, and highly rewarded.  Alexander sent Xenocrates the philosopher fifty talents, because he was poor, visu rerum, aut eruditione praestantes viri, mensis olim regum adhibiti, as Philostratus relates of Adrian and Lampridius of Alexander Severus:  famous clerks came to these princes’ courts, velut in Lycaeum, as to a university, and were admitted to their tables, quasi divum epulis accumbentes; Archilaus, that Macedonian king, would not willingly sup without Euripides, (amongst the rest he drank to him at supper one night, and gave him a cup of gold for his pains) delectatus poetae suavi sermone; and it was fit it should be so; because as [2061]Plato in his Protagoras well saith, a good philosopher as much excels other men, as a great king doth the commons of his country; and again, [2062]_quoniam illis nihil deest, et minime egere solent, et disciplinas quas profitentur, soli a contemptu vindicare possunt_, they needed not to beg so basely, as they compel [2063]scholars in our times to complain of poverty, or crouch to a rich chuff for a meal’s meat, but could vindicate themselves, and those arts which they professed.  Now they would and cannot:  for it is held by some of them, as an axiom, that to keep them poor, will make them study; they must be dieted, as horses to a race, not pampered, [2064]_Alendos volunt, non saginandos, ne melioris mentis flammula extinguatur_; a fat bird will not sing, a fat dog cannot hunt, and

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[2069] “Sed haec prius fuere, nunc recondita
        Senent quiete,”

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those days are gone; Et spes, et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum:  [2070] as he said of old, we may truly say now, he is our amulet, our [2071]sun, our sole comfort and refuge, our Ptolemy, our common Maecenas, Jacobus munificus, Jacobus pacificus, mysta Musarum, Rex Platonicus:  Grande decus, columenque nostrum:  a famous scholar himself, and the sole patron, pillar, and sustainer of learning:  but his worth in this kind is so well known, that as Paterculus of Cato, Jam ipsum laudare nefas sit:  and which [2072] Pliny to Trajan. Seria te carmina, honorque aeternus annalium, non haec brevis et pudenda praedicatio colet.  But he is now gone, the sun of ours set, and yet no night follows, Sol occubuit, nox nulla sequuta est.  We have such another in his room, [2073]_aureus alter.  Avulsus, simili frondescit virga metallo_, and long may he reign and flourish amongst us.

Let me not be malicious, and lie against my genius, I may not deny, but that we have a sprinkling of our gentry, here and there one, excellently well learned, like those Fuggeri in Germany; Dubartus, Du Plessis, Sadael, in France; Picus Mirandula, Schottus, Barotius, in Italy; Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto.  But they are but few in respect of the multitude, the major part (and some again excepted, that are indifferent) are wholly bent for hawks and hounds, and carried away many times with intemperate lust, gaming and drinking.  If they read a book at any time (si quod est interim otii a venatu, poculis, alea, scortis) ’tis an English Chronicle, St. Huon of Bordeaux, Amadis de Gaul, &c., a play-book, or some pamphlet of news, and that at such seasons only, when they cannot stir abroad, to drive away time, [2074]their sole discourse is dogs, hawks, horses, and what news?  If some one have been a traveller in Italy, or as far as the emperor’s court, wintered in Orleans, and can court his mistress in broken French, wear his clothes neatly in the newest fashion, sing some choice outlandish tunes, discourse of lords, ladies, towns, palaces, and cities, he is complete and to be admired:  [2075]otherwise he and they are much at one; no difference between the master and the man, but worshipful titles; wink and choose betwixt him that sits down (clothes excepted) and him that holds the trencher behind him:  yet these men must be our patrons, our governors too sometimes, statesmen, magistrates, noble, great, and wise by inheritance.

Mistake me not (I say again) Vos o Patritius sanguis, you that are worthy senators, gentlemen, I honour your names and persons, and with all submissiveness, prostrate myself to your censure and service.  There are amongst you, I do ingenuously confess, many well-deserving patrons, and true patriots, of my knowledge, besides many hundreds which I never saw, no doubt, or heard of, pillars of our commonwealth, [2076]whose worth, bounty, learning, forwardness, true zeal in religion, and good esteem of all scholars, ought to

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[2081]  ------“didicit jam dives avarus
Tantum admirari, tantum laudare disertos,
Ut pueri Junonis avem”------

       “Your rich men have now learn’d of latter days
          T’admire, commend, and come together
        To hear and see a worthy scholar speak,
          As children do a peacock’s feather.”

He shall have all the good words that may be given, [2082]a proper man, and ’tis pity he hath no preferment, all good wishes, but inexorable, indurate as he is, he will not prefer him, though it be in his power, because he is indotatus, he hath no money.  Or if he do give him entertainment, let him be never so well qualified, plead affinity, consanguinity, sufficiency, he shall serve seven years, as Jacob did for Rachel, before he shall have it. [2083]If he will enter at first, he must get in at that Simoniacal gate, come off soundly, and put in good security to

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Nos interim quod, attinet (nec enim immunes ab hac noxa sumus) idem realus manet, idem nobis, et si non multo gravius, crimen objici potest:  nostra enim culpa sit, nostra incuria, nostra avaritia, quod tam frequentes, foedaeque fiant in Ecclesia nundinationes, (templum est vaenale, deusque) tot sordes invehantur, tanta grassetur impietas, tanta nequitia, tam insanus miseriarum Euripus, et turbarum aestuarium, nostro inquam, omnium (Academicorum imprimis) vitio sit.  Quod tot Resp. malis afficiatur, a nobis seminarium; ultro malum hoc accersimus, et quavis contumelia, quavis interim miseria digni, qui pro virili non occurrimus.  Quid enim fieri posse speramus, quum tot indies sine delectu pauperes alumni, terrae filii, et cujuscunque ordinis homunciones ad gradus certatim admittantur? qui si definitionem, distinctionemque unam aut alteram memoriter edidicerint, et pro more tot annos in dialectica posuerint, non refert quo profectu, quales demum sint, idiotae, nugatores, otiatores, aleatores, compotores, indigni, libidinis voluptatumque administri, “Sponsi Penelopes, nebulones, Alcinoique,” modo tot annos in academia insumpserint, et se pro togatis venditarint; lucri causa, et amicorum intercessu praesentantur; addo etiam et magnificis nonnunquam elogiis morum et scientiae; et jam valedicturi testimonialibus hisce litteris, amplissime conscriptis in eorum gratiam honorantur, abiis, qui fidei suae et existimationis jacturam proculdubio faciunt.  “Doctores enim et professores” (quod ait [2088]ille) “id unum curant, ut ex professionibus frequentibus, et tumultuariis potius quam legitimis, commoda sua promoverant, et ex dispendio publico suum faciant incrementum.”  Id solum in votis habent annui plerumque magistratus,

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MEMB.  IV.

SUBSECT.  I—­Non-necessary, remote, outward, adventitious, or accidental causes:  as first from the Nurse.

Of those remote, outward, ambient, necessary causes, I have sufficiently discoursed in the precedent member, the non-necessary follow; of which, saith [2104]Fuchsius, no art can be made, by reason of their uncertainty, casualty, and multitude; so called “not necessary” because according to [2105]Fernelius, “they may be avoided, and used without necessity.”  Many of these accidental causes, which I shall entreat of here, might have well been reduced to the former, because they cannot be avoided, but fatally happen to us, though accidentally, and unawares, at some time or other; the rest are contingent and inevitable, and more properly inserted in this rank of causes.  To reckon up all is a thing impossible; of some therefore most remarkable of these contingent causes which produce melancholy, I will briefly speak and in their order.

From a child’s nativity, the first ill accident that can likely befall him in this kind is a bad nurse, by whose means alone he may be tainted with this [2106]malady from his cradle, Aulus Gellius l. 12. c. 1. brings in Phavorinus, that eloquent philosopher, proving this at large, [2107] “that there is the same virtue and property in the milk as in the seed, and not in men alone, but in all other creatures; he gives instance in a kid and lamb, if either of them suck of the other’s milk, the lamb of the goat’s, or the kid of the ewe’s, the wool of the one will be hard, and the hair of the other soft.”  Giraldus Cambrensis Itinerar.  Cambriae, l. 1. c. 2. confirms this by a notable example which happened in his time.  A sow-pig by chance sucked a brach, and when she was grown [2108]"would miraculously hunt all manner of deer, and that as well, or rather better, than any ordinary hound.”  His conclusion is, [2109]"that men and beasts participate of her nature and conditions by whose milk they are fed.”  Phavorinus urges it farther, and demonstrates it more evidently, that if a nurse be [2110]"misshapen, unchaste, dishonest, impudent, [2111]cruel, or the like, the child that sucks upon her breast will be so too;” all other affections of the mind and diseases are almost engrafted, as it were, and imprinted into the temperature of the infant, by the nurse’s milk; as pox, leprosy, melancholy, &c.  Cato for some such reason would make his servants’ children

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SUBSECT.  II.—­Education a Cause of Melancholy.

Education, of these accidental causes of melancholy, may justly challenge the next place, for if a man escape a bad nurse, he may be undone by evil bringing up. [2122]Jason Pratensis puts this of education for a principal cause; bad parents, stepmothers, tutors, masters, teachers, too rigorous, too severe, too remiss or indulgent on the other side, are often fountains and furtherers of this disease.  Parents and such as have the tuition and oversight of children, offend many times in that they are too stern, always threatening, chiding, brawling, whipping, or striking; by means of which their poor children are so disheartened and cowed, that they never after have any courage, a merry hour in their lives, or take pleasure in anything.  There is a great moderation to be had in such things, as matters of so great moment to the making or marring of a child.  Some fright their children with beggars, bugbears, and hobgoblins, if they cry, or be otherwise unruly:  but they are much to blame in it, many times, saith Lavater, de spectris, part. 1, cap. 5. ex metu in morbos graves incidunt et noctu dormientes clamant, for fear they fall into many diseases, and cry out in their sleep, and are much the worse for it all their lives:  these things ought not at all, or to be sparingly done, and upon just occasion.  Tyrannical, impatient, hair-brain schoolmasters, aridi magistri, so [2123]Fabius terms them, Ajaces flagelliferi, are in this kind as bad as hangmen and executioners, they make many children endure a martyrdom all the while they are at school, with bad diet, if they board in their

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Others again, in that opposite extreme, do as great harm by their too much remissness, they give them no bringing up, no calling to busy themselves about, or to live in, teach them no trade, or set them in any good course; by means of which their servants, children, scholars, are carried away with that stream of drunkenness, idleness, gaming, and many such irregular courses, that in the end they rue it, curse their parents, and mischief themselves.  Too much indulgence causeth the like, [2128]_inepta patris lenitas et facilitas prava_, when as Mitio-like, with too much liberty and too great allowance, they feed their children’s humours, let them revel, wench, riot, swagger, and do what they will themselves, and then punish them with a noise of musicians;

[2129] “Obsonet, potet, oleat unguenta de meo;
        Amat? dabitur a me argentum ubi erit commodum. 
        Fores effregit? restituentur:  descidit
        Vestem? resarcietur.—­Faciat quod lubet,
        Sumat, consumat, perdat, decretum est pati.”

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But as Demeo told him, tu illum corrumpi sinis, your lenity will be his undoing, praevidere videor jam diem, illum, quum hic egens profugiet aliquo militatum, I foresee his ruin.  So parents often err, many fond mothers especially, dote so much upon their children, like [2130]Aesop’s ape, till in the end they crush them to death, Corporum nutrices animarum novercae, pampering up their bodies to the undoing of their souls:  they will not let them be [2131]corrected or controlled, but still soothed up in everything they do, that in conclusion “they bring sorrow, shame, heaviness to their parents” (Ecclus. cap. xxx. 8, 9), “become wanton, stubborn, wilful, and disobedient;” rude, untaught, headstrong, incorrigible, and graceless; “they love them so foolishly,” saith [2132]Cardan, “that they rather seem to hate them, bringing them not up to virtue but injury, not to learning but to riot, not to sober life and conversation, but to all pleasure and licentious behaviour.”  Who is he of so little experience that knows not this of Fabius to be true? [2133]"Education is another nature, altering the mind and will, and I would to God” (saith he) “we ourselves did not spoil our children’s manners, by our overmuch cockering and nice education, and weaken the strength of their bodies and minds, that causeth custom, custom nature,” &c.  For these causes Plutarch in his book de lib. educ. and Hierom. epist. lib. 1. epist. 17. to Laeta de institut. filiae, gives a most especial charge to all parents, and many good cautions about bringing up of children, that they be not committed to indiscreet, passionate, bedlam tutors, light, giddy-headed, or covetous persons, and spare for no cost, that they may be well nurtured and taught, it being a matter of so great consequence.  For such parents as do otherwise, Plutarch esteems of them [2134]"that are more careful of their shoes than of their feet,” that rate their wealth above their children.  And he, saith [2135]Cardan, “that leaves his son to a covetous schoolmaster to be informed, or to a close Abbey to fast and learn wisdom together, doth no other, than that he be a learned fool, or a sickly wise man.”

SUBSECT.  III.—­Terrors and Affrights, Causes of Melancholy.

Tully, in the fourth of his Tusculans, distinguishes these terrors which arise from the apprehension of some terrible object heard or seen, from other fears, and so doth Patritius lib. 5.  Tit. 4. de regis institut. Of all fears they are most pernicious and violent, and so suddenly alter the whole temperature of the body, move the soul and spirits, strike such a deep impression, that the parties can never be recovered, causing more grievous and fiercer melancholy, as Felix Plater, c. 3. de mentis alienat. [2136]speaks out of his experience, than any inward cause whatsoever:  “and imprints itself so forcibly in the spirits, brain, humours, that if all the mass of blood were let out of the body, it could hardly be extracted. 

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[2141] “Stat terror animis, et cor attonitum salit,
        Pavidumque trepidis palpitat venis jecur.”

       “Their soul’s affright, their heart amazed quakes,
        The trembling liver pants i’ th’ veins, and aches.”

Arthemedorus the grammarian lost his wits by the unexpected sight of a crocodile, Laurentius 7. de melan. [2142]The massacre at Lyons, 1572, in the reign of Charles IX., was so terrible and fearful, that many ran mad, some died, great-bellied women were brought to bed before their time, generally all affrighted aghast.  Many lose their wits [2143]"by the sudden sight of some spectrum or devil, a thing very common in all ages,” saith Lavater part 1. cap. 9. as Orestes did at the sight of the Furies, which appeared to him in black (as [2144]Pausanias records).  The Greeks call them [Greek:  mormolucheia], which so terrify their souls, or if they be but affrighted by some counterfeit devils in jest,

[2145]  ------“ut pueri trepidant, atque omnia caecis
In tenebris metuunt”------

as children in the dark conceive hobgoblins, and are so afraid, they are the worse for it all their lives.  Some by sudden fires, earthquakes, inundations, or any such dismal objects:  Themiscon the physician fell into a hydrophobia, by seeing one sick of that disease:  (Dioscorides l. 6. c. 33.) or by the sight of a monster, a carcase, they are disquieted many months following, and cannot endure the room where a corpse hath been, for a world would not be alone with a dead man, or lie in that bed many years after in which a man hath died.  At [2146]Basil many little children in the springtime went to gather flowers in a meadow at the town’s end, where a malefactor hung in gibbets; all gazing at it, one by chance flung a stone, and made it stir, by which accident, the children affrighted ran away; one slower than the rest, looking back, and seeing the stirred carcase wag towards her, cried out it came after, and was so terribly affrighted, that for many days she could not rest, eat, or sleep, she could not be pacified, but melancholy, died. [2147]In the same town another child, beyond the Rhine, saw a grave opened, and upon the sight of a carcase, was so troubled in mind that she could not be comforted, but a little

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Scoffs, Calumnies, bitter Jests, how they cause Melancholy.

It is an old saying, [2161]"A blow with a word strikes deeper than a blow with a sword:”  and many men are as much galled with a calumny, a scurrilous and bitter jest, a libel, a pasquil, satire, apologue, epigram, stage-play or the like, as with any misfortune whatsoever.  Princes and potentates, that are otherwise happy, and have all at command, secure and free, quibus potentia sceleris impunitatem fecit, are grievously vexed with these pasquilling libels, and satires:  they fear a railing [2162]Aretine, more than an enemy in the field, which made most princes of his time (as some relate) “allow him a liberal pension, that he should not tax them in his satires.”

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[2169]  ------“dummodo risum
Excutiat sibi; non hic cuiquam parcit amico;”

Friends, neuters, enemies, all are as one, to make a fool a madman, is their sport, and they have no greater felicity than to scoff and deride others; they must sacrifice to the god of laughter, with them in [2170] Apuleius, once a day, or else they shall be melancholy themselves; they care not how they grind and misuse others, so they may exhilarate their own persons.  Their wits indeed serve them to that sole purpose, to make sport, to break a scurrile jest, which is levissimus ingenii fructus, the froth of wit, as [2171]Tully holds, and for this they are often applauded, in all other discourse, dry, barren, stramineous, dull and heavy, here lies their genius, in this they alone excel, please themselves and others.  Leo Decimus, that scoffing pope, as Jovius hath registered in the Fourth book of his life, took an extraordinary

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Such scurrilous jests, flouts, and sarcasms, therefore, ought not at all to be used; especially to our betters, to those that are in misery, or any way distressed:  for to such, aerumnarum incrementa sunt, they multiply grief, and as [2178]he perceived, In multis pudor, in multis iracundia, &c., many are ashamed, many vexed, angered, and there is no greater cause or furtherer of melancholy.  Martin Cromerus, in the Sixth book of his history, hath a pretty story to this purpose, of Vladislaus, the second king of Poland, and Peter Dunnius, earl of Shrine; they had been hunting late, and were enforced to lodge in a poor cottage.  When they went to bed, Vladislaus told the earl in jest, that his wife lay softer with the abbot of Shrine; he not able to contain, replied, Et tua cum Dabesso, and yours with Dabessus, a gallant young gentleman in the court, whom Christina the queen loved. Tetigit id dictum Principis animum, these words of his so galled the prince, that he was long after tristis et cogitabundus, very sad and melancholy for many months; but they were the earl’s utter undoing:  for when Christina heard of it, she persecuted him to death.  Sophia the empress, Justinian’s wife, broke a bitter jest upon Narsetes the eunuch, a famous captain then disquieted for an overthrow which he lately had:  that he was fitter for a distaff and to keep women company, than to wield a sword, or to be general of an army:  but it cost her dear, for he so far distasted it, that he went forthwith to the adverse part, much troubled in his thoughts, caused the Lombards to rebel, and thence procured many miseries to the commonwealth.  Tiberius the emperor withheld a legacy from the people of Rome, which his predecessor Augustus had lately given, and perceiving a fellow round a dead corse in the ear, would needs know wherefore he did so; the fellow replied, that he wished the departed soul to signify to Augustus, the commons of Rome were yet unpaid:  for this bitter jest the emperor caused him forthwith to be slain, and carry the news himself.  For this reason, all those that otherwise approve of jests in some cases, and facete companions, (as who doth not?) let them laugh and be merry, rumpantur et illa Codro, ’tis laudable and fit, those yet will by no means admit them in their companies, that are any way inclined to this malady:  non jocandum cum iis qui miseri sunt, et aerumnosi, no jesting with a discontented person.  ’Tis Castilio’s caveat, [2179]Jo.  Pontanus, and [2180]Galateus, and every good man’s.

       “Play with me, but hurt me not: 
        Jest with me, but shame me not.”

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Comitas is a virtue between rusticity and scurrility, two extremes, as affability is between flattery and contention, it must not exceed; but be still accompanied with that [2181][Greek:  ablabeia] or innocency, quae nemini nocet, omnem injuriae, oblationem abhorrens, hurts no man, abhors all offer of injury.  Though a man be liable to such a jest or obloquy, have been overseen, or committed a foul fact, yet it is no good manners or humanity, to upbraid, to hit him in the teeth with his offence, or to scoff at such a one; ’tis an old axiom, turpis in reum omnis exprobratio.[2182] I speak not of such as generally tax vice, Barclay, Gentilis, Erasmus, Agrippa, Fishcartus, &c., the Varronists and Lucians of our time, satirists, epigrammists, comedians, apologists, &c., but such as personate, rail, scoff, calumniate, perstringe by name, or in presence offend;

[2183] “Ludit qui stolida procacitate
        Non est Sestius ille sed caballus:” 

’Tis horse-play this, and those jests (as he [2184]saith) “are no better than injuries,” biting jests, mordentes et aculeati, they are poisoned jests, leave a sting behind them, and ought not to be used.

[2185] “Set not thy foot to make the blind to fall;
          Nor wilfully offend thy weaker brother: 
        Nor wound the dead with thy tongue’s bitter gall,
          Neither rejoice thou in the fall of other.”

If these rules could be kept, we should have much more ease and quietness than we have, less melancholy, whereas on the contrary, we study to misuse each other, how to sting and gall, like two fighting boors, bending all our force and wit, friends, fortune, to crucify [2186]one another’s souls; by means of which, there is little content and charity, much virulency, hatred, malice, and disquietness among us.

SUBSECT.  V.—­Loss of Liberty, Servitude, Imprisonment, how they cause Melancholy.

To this catalogue of causes, I may well annex loss of liberty, servitude, or imprisonment, which to some persons is as great a torture as any of the rest.  Though they have all things convenient, sumptuous houses to their use, fair walks and gardens, delicious bowers, galleries, good fare and diet, and all things correspondent, yet they are not content, because they are confined, may not come and go at their pleasure, have and do what they will, but live [2187]_aliena quadra_, at another man’s table and command.  As it is [2188]in meats so it is in all other things, places, societies, sports; let them be never so pleasant, commodious, wholesome, so good; yet omnium rerum est satietas, there is a loathing satiety of all things.  The children of Israel were tired with manna, it is irksome to them so to live, as to a bird in his cage, or a dog in his kennel, they are weary of it.  They are happy, it is true, and have all things, to another man’s judgment, that heart can wish, or that they themselves can desire, bona

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Now if it be death itself, another hell, to be glutted with one kind of sport, dieted with one dish, tied to one place; though they have all things otherwise as they can desire, and are in heaven to another man’s opinion, what misery and discontent shall they have, that live in slavery, or in prison itself? Quod tristius morte, in servitute vivendum, as Hermolaus told Alexander in [2191]Curtius, worse than death is bondage:  [2192]_hoc animo scito omnes fortes, ut mortem servituti anteponant_, All brave men at arms (Tully holds) are so affected. [2193]_Equidem ego is sum, qui servitutem extremum omnium malorum esse arbitror_:  I am he (saith Boterus) that account servitude the extremity of misery.  And what calamity do they endure, that live with those hard taskmasters, in gold mines (like those 30,000 [2194]Indian slaves at Potosi, in Peru), tin-mines, lead-mines, stone-quarries, coal-pits, like so many mouldwarps under ground, condemned to the galleys, to perpetual drudgery, hunger, thirst, and stripes, without all hope of delivery?  How are those women in Turkey affected, that most part of the year come not abroad; those Italian and Spanish dames, that are mewed up like hawks, and locked up by their jealous husbands? how tedious is it to them that live in stoves and caves half a year together? as in Iceland, Muscovy, or under the [2195]pole itself, where they have six months’ perpetual night.  Nay, what misery and discontent do they endure, that are in prison? 

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SUBSECT.  VI.—­Poverty and Want, Causes of Melancholy.

Poverty and want are so violent oppugners, so unwelcome guests, so much abhorred of all men, that I may not omit to speak of them apart.  Poverty, although (if considered aright, to a wise, understanding, truly regenerate, and contented man) it be donum Dei, a blessed estate, the way to heaven, as [2203]Chrysostom calls it, God’s gift, the mother of modesty, and much to be preferred before riches (as shall be shown in his [2204]place), yet as it is esteemed in the world’s censure, it is a most odious calling,

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For look into the world, and you shall see men most part esteemed according to their means, and happy as they are rich:  [2208]_Ubique tanti quisque quantum habuit fuit_.  If he be likely to thrive, and in the way of preferment, who but he?  In the vulgar opinion, if a man be wealthy, no matter how he gets it, of what parentage, how qualified, how virtuously endowed, or villainously inclined; let him be a bawd, a gripe, an usurer, a villain, a pagan, a barbarian, a wretch, [2209]Lucian’s tyrant, “on whom you may look with less security than on the sun;” so that he be rich (and liberal withal) he shall be honoured, admired, adored, reverenced, and highly [2210]magnified.  “The rich is had in reputation because of his goods,” Eccl. x. 31.  He shall be befriended:  “for riches gather many friends,” Prov. xix. 4,—­multos numerabit amicos, all [2211]happiness ebbs and flows with his money.  He shall be accounted a gracious lord, a Mecaenas, a benefactor, a wise, discreet, a proper, a valiant, a fortunate man, of a generous spirit, Pullus Jovis, et gallinae, filius albae:  a hopeful, a good man, a virtuous, honest man. Quando ego ie Junonium puerum, et matris partum vere aureum, as [2212]Tully said of Octavianus, while he was adopted Caesar, and an heir [2213]apparent of so great a monarchy, he was a golden child.  All [2214]honour, offices, applause, grand titles, and turgent epithets are put upon him, omnes omnia bona dicere; all men’s eyes are upon him, God bless his good worship, his honour; [2215]every man speaks well of him, every man presents him, seeks and sues to him for his love, favour, and protection, to serve him, belong unto him, every man riseth to him, as to Themistocles in the Olympics, if he speak, as of Herod, Vox Dei, non hominis, the voice of God, not of man.  All the graces, Veneres, pleasures, elegances attend him, [2216] golden fortune accompanies and lodgeth with him; and as to those Roman emperors, is placed in his chamber.

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[2217]  ------“Secura naviget aura,
Fortunamque suo temperet arbitrio:” 

he may sail as he will himself, and temper his estate at his pleasure, jovial days, splendour and magnificence, sweet music, dainty fare, the good things, and fat of the land, fine clothes, rich attires, soft beds, down pillows are at his command, all the world labours for him, thousands of artificers are his slaves to drudge for him, run, ride, and post for him:  [2218]Divines (for Pythia Philippisat) lawyers, physicians, philosophers, scholars are his, wholly devote to his service.  Every man seeks his [2219]acquaintance, his kindred, to match with him, though he be an oaf, a ninny, a monster, a goose-cap, uxorem ducat Danaen, [2220]when, and whom he will, hunc optant generum Rex et Regina—­he is an excellent [2221]match for my son, my daughter, my niece, &c. Quicquid calcaverit hic, Rosa fiet, let him go whither he will, trumpets sound, bells ring, &c., all happiness attends him, every man is willing to entertain him, he sups in [2222]Apollo wheresoever he comes; what preparation is made for his [2223]entertainment? fish and fowl, spices and perfumes, all that sea and land affords.  What cookery, masking, mirth to exhilarate his person?

[2224] “Da Trebio, pone ad Trebium, vis frater ab illia
Ilibus?”------

What dish will your good worship eat of?

[2225]  ------“dulcia poma,
Et quoscunque feret cultus tibi fundus honores,
Ante Larem, gustet venerabilior Lare dives.”

       “Sweet apples, and whate’er thy fields afford,
        Before thy Gods be serv’d, let serve thy Lord.”

What sport will your honour have? hawking, hunting, fishing, fowling, bulls, bears, cards, dice, cocks, players, tumblers, fiddlers, jesters, &c., they are at your good worship’s command.  Fair houses, gardens, orchards, terraces, galleries, cabinets, pleasant walks, delightsome places, they are at hand:  [2226]_in aureis lac, vinum in argenteis, adolescentulae ad nutum speciosae_, wine, wenches, &c. a Turkish paradise, a heaven upon earth.  Though he be a silly soft fellow, and scarce have common sense, yet if he be borne to fortunes (as I have said) [2227]_jure haereditario sapere jubetur_, he must have honour and office in his course:  [2228]_Nemo nisi dives honore dignus_ (Ambros. offic. 21.) none so worthy as himself:  he shall have it, atque esto quicquid Servius aut Labeo.  Get money enough and command [2229]kingdoms, provinces, armies, hearts, hands, and affections; thou shalt have popes, patriarchs to be thy chaplains and parasites:  thou shalt have (Tamerlane-like) kings to draw thy coach, queens to be thy laundresses, emperors thy footstools, build more towns and cities than great Alexander, Babel towers, pyramids and Mausolean tombs, &c. command heaven and earth, and tell the world it is thy vassal, auro emitur diadema, argento caelum panditur, denarius philosophum conducit, nummus

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But on the contrary, if he be poor, Prov. xv. 15, “all his days are miserable,” he is under hatches, dejected, rejected and forsaken, poor in purse, poor in spirit; [2238]_prout res nobis fluit, ita et animus se habet_; [2239]money gives life and soul.  Though he be honest, wise, learned, well-deserving, noble by birth, and of excellent good parts; yet in that he is poor, unlikely to rise, come to honour, office, or good means, he is contemned, neglected, frustra sapit, inter literas esurit, amicus molestus. [2240]"If he speak, what babbler is this?” Ecclus, his nobility without wealth, is [2241]_projecta vilior alga_, and he not esteemed:  nos viles pulli nati infelicibus ovis, if once poor, we are metamorphosed in an instant, base slaves, villains, and vile drudges; [2242]for to be poor, is to be a knave, a fool, a wretch, a wicked, an odious fellow, a common eyesore, say poor and say all; they are born to labour, to misery, to carry burdens like juments, pistum stercus comedere with Ulysses’ companions, and as Chremilus objected in Aristophanes, [2243] salem lingere, lick salt, to empty jakes, fay channels, [2244]carry out dirt and dunghills, sweep chimneys, rub horse-heels, &c.  I say nothing of Turks, galley-slaves, which are bought [2245]and sold like juments, or those African Negroes, or poor [2246]Indian drudges, qui indies hinc inde deferendis oneribus occumbunt, nam quod apud nos boves et asini vehunt, trahunt, &c. [2247]_Id omne misellis Indis_, they are ugly to behold, and though erst spruce, now rusty and squalid, because poor, [2248]_immundas fortunas aquum est squalorem sequi_, it is ordinarily so. [2249]"Others eat to live, but they live to drudge,” [2250]_servilis et misera gens nihil recusare audet_, a servile generation, that dare refuse no task.—­[2251]_Heus tu Dromo, cape hoc flabellum, ventulum hinc facito dum lavamus_, sirrah blow wind upon us while we wash, and bid your fellow get him up betimes in the morning, be it fair or foul, he shall run fifty miles afoot tomorrow, to carry me a letter to my mistress, Socia ad pistrinam, Socia shall tarry at home and grind malt all day long, Tristan thresh.  Thus are they commanded, being indeed some of them as so many footstools for rich men to tread on, blocks for them to get on horseback, or as [2252]"walls for them to piss on.”  They are commonly such people, rude, silly, superstitious idiots, nasty, unclean, lousy, poor, dejected, slavishly humble:  and as [2253]Leo Afer observes of the commonalty of Africa, natura viliores sunt, nec apud suos duces majore in precio quam si canes essent:  [2254]base by nature, and no more esteemed than dogs, miseram, laboriosam, calamitosam vitam agunt, et inopem, infelicem, rudiores asinis, ut e brutis plane natos dicas:  no learning, no knowledge, no civility, scarce common, sense, nought but barbarism amongst them, belluino more vivunt, neque calceos gestant, neque vestes, like rogues and vagabonds,

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If they be of little better condition than those base villains, hunger-starved beggars, wandering rogues, those ordinary slaves, and day-labouring drudges; yet they are commonly so preyed upon by [2262] polling officers for breaking the laws, by their tyrannising landlords, so flayed and fleeced by perpetual [2263]exactions, that though they do drudge, fare hard, and starve their genius, they cannot live in [2264]some countries; but what they have is instantly taken from them, the very care they take to live, to be drudges, to maintain their poor families, their trouble and anxiety “takes away their sleep,” Sirac. xxxi. 1, it makes them weary of their lives:  when they have taken all pains, done their utmost and honest endeavours, if they be cast behind by sickness, or overtaken with years, no man pities them, hard-hearted and merciless, uncharitable as they are, they leave them so distressed, to beg, steal, murmur, and [2265] rebel, or else starve.  The feeling and fear of this misery compelled those old Romans, whom Menenius Agrippa pacified, to resist their governors:  outlaws, and rebels in most places, to take up seditious arms, and in all ages hath caused uproars, murmurings, seditions, rebellions, thefts, murders, mutinies, jars and contentions in every commonwealth:  grudging, repining, complaining, discontent in each private family, because they want

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       “Nil Publius Scipio profuit, nil ei Laelius, nil Furius,
        Tres per idem tempus qui agitabant nobiles facillime,
        Horum ille opera ne domum quident habuit conductitiam."[2269]

’Tis generally so, Tempora si fuerint nubila, solus eris, he is left cold and comfortless, nullas ad amissas ibit amicus opes, all flee from him as from a rotten wall, now ready to fall on their heads.  Prov. xix. 1.  “Poverty separates them from their [2270]neighbours.”

[2271] “Dum fortuna favet vultum servatis amici,
        Cum cecidit, turpi vertitis ora fuga.”

       “Whilst fortune favour’d, friends, you smil’d on me,
        But when she fled, a friend I could not see.”

Which is worse yet, if he be poor [2272]every man contemns him, insults over him, oppresseth him, scoffs at, aggravates his misery.

[2273] “Quum caepit quassata domus subsidere, partes
        In proclinatas omne recumbit onus.”

       “When once the tottering house begins to shrink,
        Thither comes all the weight by an instinct.”

Nay they are odious to their own brethren, and dearest friends, Pro. xix. 7.  “His brethren hate him if he be poor,” [2274]_omnes vicini oderunt_, “his neighbours hate him,” Pro. xiv. 20, [2275]_omnes me noti ac ignoti deserunt_, as he complained in the comedy, friends and strangers, all forsake me.  Which is most grievous, poverty makes men ridiculous, Nil habet infelix paupertas durius in se, quam quod ridiculos homines facit, they must endure [2276]jests, taunts, flouts, blows of their betters, and take all in good part to get a meal’s meat:  [2277]_magnum pauperies opprobrium, jubet quidvis et facere et pati_.  He must turn parasite, jester, fool, cum desipientibus desipere; saith [2278]Euripides, slave, villain, drudge to get a poor

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[2282]  ------“si miserum fortuna Sinonem
Finxit, vanum etiam mendacemque improba finget.”

he will betray his father, prince, and country, turn Turk, forsake religion, abjure God and all, nulla tam horrenda proditio, quam illi lucri causa (saith [2283]Leo Afer) perpetrare nolint. [2284]Plato, therefore, calls poverty, “thievish, sacrilegious, filthy, wicked, and mischievous:”  and well he might.  For it makes many an upright man otherwise, had he not been in want, to take bribes, to be corrupt, to do against his conscience, to sell his tongue, heart, hand, &c., to be churlish, hard, unmerciful, uncivil, to use indirect means to help his present estate.  It makes princes to exact upon their subjects, great men tyrannise, landlords oppress, justice mercenary, lawyers vultures, physicians harpies, friends importunate, tradesmen liars, honest men thieves, devout assassins, great men to prostitute their wives, daughters, and themselves, middle sort to repine, commons to mutiny, all to grudge, murmur, and complain.  A great temptation to all mischief, it compels some miserable wretches to counterfeit several diseases, to dismember, make themselves blind, lame, to have a more plausible cause to beg, and lose their limbs to recover their present wants.  Jodocus Damhoderius, a lawyer of Bruges, praxi rerum criminal. c. 112. hath some notable examples of such counterfeit cranks, and every village almost will yield abundant testimonies amongst us; we have dummerers, Abraham men, &c.  And that which is the extent of misery, it enforceth them through anguish and wearisomeness of their lives, to make away themselves; they had rather be hanged, drowned, &c., than to live without means.

[2285] “In mare caetiferum, ne te premat aspera egestas,
        Desili, et a celsis corrue Cerne jugis.”

       “Much better ’tis to break thy neck,
          Or drown thyself i’ the sea,
        Than suffer irksome poverty;
          Go make thyself away.”

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A Sybarite of old, as I find it registered in [2286]Athenaeus, supping in Phiditiis in Sparta, and observing their hard fare, said it was no marvel if the Lacedaemonians were valiant men; “for his part, he would rather run upon a sword point (and so would any man in his wits,) than live with such base diet, or lead so wretched a life.” [2287]In Japonia, ’tis a common thing to stifle their children if they be poor, or to make an abortion, which Aristotle commends.  In that civil commonwealth of China, [2288]the mother strangles her child, if she be not able to bring it up, and had rather lose, than sell it, or have it endure such misery as poor men do.  Arnobius, lib. 7, adversus gentes, [2289]Lactantius, lib. 5. cap. 9. objects as much to those ancient Greeks and Romans, “they did expose their children to wild beasts, strangle, or knock out their brains against a stone, in such cases.”  If we may give credit to [2290]Munster, amongst us Christians in Lithuania, they voluntarily mancipate and sell themselves, their wives and children to rich men, to avoid hunger and beggary; [2291] many make away themselves in this extremity.  Apicius the Roman, when he cast up his accounts, and found but 100,000 crowns left, murdered himself for fear he should be famished to death.  P. Forestus, in his medicinal observations, hath a memorable example of two brothers of Louvain that, being destitute of means, became both melancholy, and in a discontented humour massacred themselves.  Another of a merchant, learned, wise otherwise and discreet, but out of a deep apprehension he had of a loss at seas, would not be persuaded but as [2292]Ventidius in the poet, he should die a beggar.  In a word, thus much I may conclude of poor men, that though they have good [2293]parts they cannot show or make use of them:  [2294]_ab inopia ad virtutem obsepta est via_, ’tis hard for a poor man to [2295] rise, haud facile emergunt, quorum virtutibus obstat res angusta domi. [2296]"The wisdom of the poor is despised, and his words are not heard.”  Eccles. vi. 19.  His works are rejected, contemned, for the baseness and obscurity of the author, though laudable and good in themselves, they will not likely take.

“Nulla placere diu, neque vivere carmina possunt,
Quae scribuntur atquae potoribus.”------

“No verses can please men or live long that are written by water-drinkers.”  Poor men cannot please, their actions, counsels, consultations, projects, are vilified in the world’s esteem, amittunt consilium in re, which Gnatho long since observed. [2297]_Sapiens crepidas sibi nunquam nec soleas fecit_, a wise man never cobbled shoes; as he said of old, but how doth he prove it?  I am sure we find it otherwise in our days, [2298] pruinosis horret facundia pannis.  Homer himself must beg if he want means, and as by report sometimes he did [2299]"go from door to door, and sing ballads, with a company of boys about him.”  This common misery of theirs must needs distract, make them discontent and melancholy, as ordinarily they are, wayward, peevish, like a weary traveller, for [2300] Fames et mora bilem in nares conciunt, still murmuring and repining:  Ob inopiam morosi sunt, quibus est male, as Plutarch quotes out of Euripides, and that comical poet well seconds,

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[2301] “Omnes quibus res sunt minus secundae, nescio quomodo
        Suspitiosi, ad contumeliam omnia accipiunt magis,
        Propter suam impotentiam se credunt negligi.”

“If they be in adversity, they are more suspicious and apt to mistake:  they think themselves scorned by reason of their misery:”  and therefore many generous spirits in such cases withdraw themselves from all company, as that comedian [2302]Terence is said to have done; when he perceived himself to be forsaken and poor, he voluntarily banished himself to Stymphalus, a base town in Arcadia, and there miserably died.

[2303]  ------“ad summam inopiam redactus,
Itaque e conspectu omnium abiit Graeciae in terram ultimam.”

Neither is it without cause, for we see men commonly respected according to their means, ([2304]_an dives sit omnes quaerunt, nemo an bonus_) and vilified if they be in bad clothes. [2305]Philophaemen the orator was set to cut wood, because he was so homely attired, [2306]Terentius was placed at the lower end of Cecilius’ table, because of his homely outside. [2307] Dante, that famous Italian poet, by reason his clothes were but mean, could not be admitted to sit down at a feast.  Gnatho scorned his old familiar friend because of his apparel, [2308]_Hominem video pannis, annisque obsitum, hic ego illum contempsi prae me_.  King Persius overcome sent a letter to [2309]Paulus Aemilius, the Roman general; Persius P. Consuli.  S. but he scorned him any answer, tacite exprobrans fortunam suam (saith mine author) upbraiding him with a present fortune. [2310]Carolus Pugnax, that great duke of Burgundy, made H. Holland, late duke of Exeter, exiled, run after his horse like a lackey, and would take no notice of him:  [2311] ’tis the common fashion of the world.  So that such men as are poor may justly be discontent, melancholy, and complain of their present misery, and all may pray with [2312]Solomon, “Give me, O Lord, neither riches nor poverty; feed me with food convenient for me.”

SUBSECT.  VII.—­A heap of other Accidents causing Melancholy, Death of Friends, Losses, &c.

In this labyrinth of accidental causes, the farther I wander, the more intricate I find the passage, multae ambages, and new causes as so many by-paths offer themselves to be discussed:  to search out all, were an Herculean work, and fitter for Theseus:  I will follow mine intended thread; and point only at some few of the chiefest.

Death of Friends.] Amongst which, loss and death of friends may challenge a first place, multi tristantur, as [2313]Vives well observes, post delicias, convivia, dies festos, many are melancholy after a feast, holiday, merry meeting, or some pleasing sport, if they be solitary by chance, left alone to themselves, without employment, sport, or want their ordinary companions, some at the departure of friends only whom they shall shortly see again, weep and howl,

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        (O dulce germen matris, o sanguis meus,
        Eheu tepentes, &c.—­o flos tener.)[2315]

howling, roaring, many bitter pangs, [2316]_lamentis gemituque et faemineo ululatu Tecta fremunt_) and by frequent meditation extends so far sometimes, [2317]"they think they see their dead friends continually in their eyes,” observantes imagines, as Conciliator confesseth he saw his mother’s ghost presenting herself still before him. Quod nimis miseri volunt, hoc facile credunt, still, still, still, that good father, that good son, that good wife, that dear friend runs in their minds:  Totus animus hac una cogitatione defixus est, all the year long, as [2318]Pliny complains to Romanus, “methinks I see Virginius, I hear Virginius, I talk with Virginius,” &c.

[2319] “Te sine, vae misero mihi, lilia nigra videntur,
        Pallentesque rosae, nec dulce rubens hyacinthus,
        Nullos nec myrtus, noc laurus spirat odores.”

They that are most staid and patient, are so furiously carried headlong by the passion of sorrow in this case, that brave discreet men otherwise, oftentimes forget themselves, and weep like children many months together, [2320]_as if that they to water would_, and will not be comforted.  They are gone, they are gone; what shall I do?

       “Abstulit atra dies et funere mersit acerbo,
        Quis dabit in lachrymas fontem mihi? quis satis altos
        Accendet gemitus, et acerbo verba dolori? 
        Exhaurit pietas oculos, et hiantia frangit
        Pectora, nec plenos avido sinit edere questus,
        Magna adeo jactura premit,” &c.

       “Fountains of tears who gives, who lends me groans,
        Deep sighs sufficient to express my moans? 
        Mine eyes are dry, my breast in pieces torn,
        My loss so great, I cannot enough mourn.”

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So Stroza Filius, that elegant Italian poet, in his Epicedium, bewails his father’s death, he could moderate his passions in other matters, (as he confesseth) but not in this, lie yields wholly to sorrow,

       “Nunc fateor do terga malis, mens illa fatiscit,
        Indomitus quondam vigor et constantia mentis.”

How doth [2321]Quintilian complain for the loss of his son, to despair almost:  Cardan lament his only child in his book de libris propriis, and elsewhere in many of his tracts, [2322]St. Ambrose his brother’s death? an ego possum non cogitare de te, aut sine lachrymis cogitare?  O amari dies, o flebiles noctes, &c.  “Can I ever cease to think of thee, and to think with sorrow?  O bitter days, O nights of sorrow,” &c.  Gregory Nazianzen, that noble Pulcheria! O decorem, &c. flos recens, pullulans, &c.  Alexander, a man of most invincible courage, after Hephestion’s death, as Curtius relates, triduum jacuit ad moriendum obstinatus, lay three days together upon the ground, obstinate, to die with him, and would neither eat, drink, nor sleep.  The woman that communed with Esdras (lib. 2. cap. 10.) when her son fell down dead. “fled into the field, and would not return into the city, but there resolved to remain, neither to eat nor drink, but mourn and fast until she died.”  “Rachel wept for her children, and would not be comforted because they were not.”  Matt. ii. 18.  So did Adrian the emperor bewail his Antinous; Hercules, Hylas; Orpheus, Eurydice; David, Absalom; (O my dear son Absalom) Austin his mother Monica, Niobe her children, insomuch that the [2323]poets feigned her to be turned into a stone, as being stupefied through the extremity of grief. [2324]_Aegeas, signo lugubri filii consternatus, in mare se praecipitatem dedit_, impatient of sorrow for his son’s death, drowned, himself.  Our late physicians are full of such examples.  Montanus consil. 242. [2325]had a patient troubled with this infirmity, by reason of her husband’s death, many years together.  Trincavellius, l. 1. c. 14. hath such another, almost in despair, after his [2326]mother’s departure, ut se ferme praecipitatem daret; and ready through distraction to make away himself:  and in his Fifteenth counsel, tells a story of one fifty years of age, “that grew desperate upon his mother’s death;” and cured by Fallopius, fell many years after into a relapse, by the sudden death of a daughter which he had, and could never after be recovered.  The fury of this passion is so violent sometimes, that it daunts whole kingdoms and cities.  Vespasian’s death was pitifully lamented all over the Roman empire, totus orbis lugebat, saith Aurelius Victor.  Alexander commanded the battlements of houses to be pulled down, mules and horses to have their manes shorn off, and many common soldiers to be slain, to accompany his dear Hephestion’s death; which is now practised amongst the Tartars, when [2327]a great Cham dieth,

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[2332] “Concussis cecidere animis, seu frondibus ingens
Sylva dolet lapsis”------

they looked like cropped trees. [2333]At Nancy in Lorraine, when Claudia Valesia, Henry the Second French king’s sister, and the duke’s wife deceased, the temples for forty days were all shut up, no prayers nor masses, but in that room where she was.  The senators all seen in black, “and for a twelvemonth’s space throughout the city, they were forbid to sing or dance.”

[2334] “Non ulli pastos illis egre diebus
        Frigida (Daphne) boves ad flumina, nulla nec amnem
        Libavit quadrupes, nec graminis attigit herbam.”

       “The swains forgot their sheep, nor near the brink
        Of running waters brought their herds to drink;
        The thirsty cattle, of themselves, abstained
        From water, and their grassy fare disdain’d.”

How were we affected here in England for our Titus, deliciae, humani generis, Prince Henry’s immature death, as if all our dearest friends’ lives had exhaled with his? [2335]Scanderbeg’s death was not so much lamented in Epirus.  In a word, as [2336]he saith of Edward the First at the news of Edward of Caernarvon his son’s birth, immortaliter gavisus, he was immortally glad, may we say on the contrary of friends’ deaths, immortaliter gementes, we are diverse of us as so many turtles, eternally dejected with it.

There is another sorrow, which arises from the loss of temporal goods and fortunes, which equally afflicts, and may go hand in hand with the preceding; loss of time, loss of honour, office, of good name, of labour, frustrate hopes, will much torment; but in my judgment, there is no torture like unto it, or that sooner procureth this malady and mischief: 

[2337] “Ploratur lachrymis amissa pecunia veris:” 

       “Lost money is bewailed with grief sincere.”

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it wrings true tears from our eyes, many sighs, much sorrow from our hearts, and often causes habitual melancholy itself, Guianerius tract. 15. 5. repeats this for an especial cause:  [2338]"Loss of friends, and loss of goods, make many men melancholy, as I have often seen by continual meditation of such things.”  The same causes Arnoldus Villanovanus inculcates, Breviar. l. 1. c. 18. ex rerum amissione, damno, amicorum morte, &c.  Want alone will make a man mad, to be Sans argent will cause a deep and grievous melancholy.  Many persons are affected like [2339] Irishmen in this behalf, who if they have a good scimitar, had rather have a blow on their arm, than their weapon hurt:  they will sooner lose their life, than their goods:  and the grief that cometh hence, continueth long (saith [2340]Plater) “and out of many dispositions, procureth an habit.” [2341]Montanus and Frisemelica cured a young man of 22 years of age, that so became melancholy, ab amissam pecuniam, for a sum of money which he had unhappily lost.  Sckenkius hath such another story of one melancholy, because he overshot himself, and spent his stock in unnecessary building. [2342]Roger that rich bishop of Salisbury, exutus opibus et castris a Rege Stephano, spoiled of his goods by king Stephen, vi doloris absorptus, atque in amentiam versus, indecentia fecit, through grief ran mad, spoke and did he knew not what.  Nothing so familiar, as for men in such cases, through anguish of mind to make away themselves.  A poor fellow went to hang himself, (which Ausonius hath elegantly expressed in a neat [2343]Epigram) but finding by chance a pot of money, flung away the rope, and went merrily home, but he that hid the gold, when he missed it, hanged himself with that rope which the other man had left, in a discontented humour.

       “At qui condiderat, postquam non reperit aurum,
        Aptavit collo, quem reperit laqueum.”

Such feral accidents can want and penury produce.  Be it by suretyship, shipwreck, fire, spoil and pillage of soldiers, or what loss soever, it boots not, it will work the like effect, the same desolation in provinces and cities, as well as private persons.  The Romans were miserably dejected after the battle of Cannae, the men amazed for fear, the stupid women tore their hair and cried.  The Hungarians, when their king Ladislaus and bravest soldiers were slain by the Turks, Luctus publicus, &c.  The Venetians when their forces were overcome by the French king Lewis, the French and Spanish kings, pope, emperor, all conspired against them, at Cambray, the French herald denounced open war in the senate:  Lauredane Venetorum dux, &c., and they had lost Padua, Brixia, Verona, Forum Julii, their territories in the continent, and had now nothing left, but the city of Venice itself, et urbi quoque ipsi (saith [2344]Bembus) timendum putarent, and the loss of that was likewise to

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Next to sorrow still I may annex such accidents as procure fear; for besides those terrors which I have [2348]before touched, and many other fears (which are infinite) there is a superstitious fear, one of the three great causes of fear in Aristotle, commonly caused by prodigies and dismal accidents, which much trouble many of us, (Nescio quid animus mihi praesagit mali.) As if a hare cross the way at our going forth, or a mouse gnaw our clothes:  if they bleed three drops at nose, the salt falls towards them, a black spot appear in their nails, &c., with many such, which Delrio Tom. 2. l. 3. sect. 4. Austin Niphus in his book de Auguriis. Polydore Virg. l. 3. de Prodigas.  Sarisburiensis Polycrat. l. 1. c. 13. discuss at large.  They are so much affected, that with the very strength of imagination, fear, and the devil’s craft, [2349]"they pull those misfortunes they suspect, upon their own heads, and that which they fear, shall come upon them,” as Solomon fortelleth, Prov. x. 24. and Isaiah denounceth, lxvi. 4. which if [2350]"they could neglect and contemn, would not come to pass,” Eorum vires nostra resident opinione, ut morbi gravitas ?grotantium cogitatione, they are intended and remitted, as our opinion is fixed, more or less. N.  N. dat poenas, saith [2351]Crato of such a one, utinam non attraheret:  he is punished, and is the cause of it [2352] himself: 

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[2353]_Dum fata fugimus fata stulti incurrimus_, the thing that I feared, saith Job, is fallen upon me.

As much we may say of them that are troubled with their fortunes; or ill destinies foreseen:  multos angit praecientia malorum:  The foreknowledge of what shall come to pass, crucifies many men:  foretold by astrologers, or wizards, iratum ob coelum, be it ill accident, or death itself:  which often falls out by God’s permission; quia daemonem timent (saith Chrysostom) Deus ideo permittit accidere.  Severus, Adrian, Domitian, can testify as much, of whose fear and suspicion, Sueton, Herodian, and the rest of those writers, tell strange stories in this behalf. [2354]Montanus consil. 31. hath one example of a young man, exceeding melancholy upon this occasion.  Such fears have still tormented mortal men in all ages, by reason of those lying oracles, and juggling priests. [2355]There was a fountain in Greece, near Ceres’ temple in Achaia, where the event of such diseases was to be known; “A glass let down by a thread,” &c.  Amongst those Cyanean rocks at the springs of Lycia, was the oracle of Thrixeus Apollo, “where all fortunes were foretold, sickness, health, or what they would besides:”  so common people have been always deluded with future events.  At this day, Metus futurorum maxime torquet Sinas, this foolish fear, mightily crucifies them in China:  as [2356]Matthew Riccius the Jesuit informeth us, in his commentaries of those countries, of all nations they are most superstitious, and much tormented in this kind, attributing so much to their divinators, ut ipse metus fidem faciat, that fear itself and conceit, cause it to [2357]fall out:  If he foretell sickness such a day, that very time they will be sick, vi metus afflicti in aegritudinem cadunt; and many times die as it is foretold.  A true saying, Timor mortis, morte pejor, the fear of death is worse than death itself, and the memory of that sad hour, to some fortunate and rich men, “is as bitter as gall,” Eccl. xli. 1. Inquietam nobis vitam facit mortis metus, a worse plague cannot happen to a man, than to be so troubled in his mind; ’tis triste divortium, a heavy separation, to leave their goods, with so much labour got, pleasures of the world, which they have so deliciously enjoyed, friends and companions whom they so dearly loved, all at once.  Axicchus the philosopher was bold and courageous all his life, and gave good precepts de contemnenda morte, and against the vanity of the world, to others; but being now ready to die himself, he was mightily dejected, hac luce privabor? his orbabor bonis? [2358]he lamented like a child, &c.  And though Socrates himself was there to comfort him, ubi pristina virtutum jactatio O Axioche? “where is all your boasted virtue now, my friend?” yet he was very timorous and impatient of death, much troubled in his mind, Imbellis pavor et impatientia, &c.  “O

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To these tortures of fear and sorrow, may well be annexed curiosity, that irksome, that tyrannising care, nimia solicitudo, [2362]"superfluous industry about unprofitable things, and their qualities,” as Thomas defines it:  an itching humour or a kind of longing to see that which is not to be seen, to do that which ought not to be done, to know that [2363]secret which should not be known, to eat of the forbidden fruit.  We commonly molest and tire ourselves about things unfit and unnecessary, as Martha troubled herself to little purpose.  Be it in religion, humanity, magic, philosophy, policy, any action or study, ’tis a needless trouble, a mere torment.  For what else is school divinity, how many doth it puzzle? what fruitless questions about the Trinity, resurrection, election, predestination, reprobation, hell-fire, &c., how many shall be saved, damned?  What else is all superstition, but an endless observation of idle ceremonies, traditions?  What is most of our philosophy but a labyrinth of opinions, idle questions, propositions, metaphysical terms?  Socrates, therefore, held all philosophers, cavillers, and mad men, circa subtilia Cavillatores pro insanis habuit, palam eos arguens, saith [2364]Eusebius, because they commonly sought after such things quae nec percipi a nobis neque comprehendi posset, or put case they did understand, yet they were altogether unprofitable.  For what matter is it for us to know how high the Pleiades are, how far distant Perseus and Cassiopeia from us, how deep the sea, &c., we are neither wiser, as he follows it, nor modester, nor better, nor richer, nor stronger for the knowledge of it. Quod supra nos nihil ad, nos, I may say the same of those genethliacal studies, what is astrology but vain elections, predictions? all magic, but a troublesome error, a pernicious foppery? physic, but intricate rules and prescriptions? philology, but vain criticisms? logic, needless sophisms? metaphysics themselves, but intricate subtleties, and fruitless abstractions? alchemy, but a bundle of errors? to what end are such great tomes? why do we spend so many years in their studies?  Much better to know nothing at all, as those barbarous Indians are wholly ignorant, than as some of us, to be so sore vexed about unprofitable toys:  stultus labor est ineptiarum, to build a house without pins, make a rope of sand, to what end? cui bono? 

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Page 307

[2367] “Nescire velle quae Magister maximus
        Docere non vult, erudita inscitia est.”

Unfortunate marriage.] Amongst these passions and irksome accidents, unfortunate marriage may be ranked:  a condition of life appointed by God himself in Paradise, an honourable and happy estate, and as great a felicity as can befall a man in this world, [2368]if the parties can agree as they ought, and live as [2369]Seneca lived with his Paulina; but if they be unequally matched, or at discord, a greater misery cannot be expected, to have a scold, a slut, a harlot, a fool, a fury or a fiend, there can be no such plague.  Eccles. xxvi. 14, “He that hath her is as if he held a scorpion,” &c. xxvi. 25, “a wicked wife makes a sorry countenance, a heavy heart, and he had rather dwell with a lion than keep house with such a wife.”  Her [2370]properties Jovianus Pontanus hath described at large, Ant. dial.  Tom. 2, under the name of Euphorbia.  Or if they be not equal in years, the like mischief happens.  Cecilius in Agellius lib. 2. cap. 23, complains much of an old wife, dum ejus morti inhio, egomet mortuus vivo inter vivos, whilst I gape after her death, I live a dead man amongst the living, or if they dislike upon any occasion,

[2371] “Judge who that are unfortunately wed
        What ’tis to come into a loathed bed.”

The same inconvenience befalls women.

[2372] “At vos o duri miseram lugete parentes,
        Si ferro aut laqueo laeva hac me exsolvere sorte
        Sustineo:”------

       “Hard hearted parents both lament my fate,
        If self I kill or hang, to ease my state.”

[2373]A young gentlewoman in Basil was married, saith Felix Plater, observat. l. 1, to an ancient man against her will, whom she could not affect; she was continually melancholy, and pined away for grief; and though her husband did all he could possibly to give her content, in a discontented humour at length she hanged herself.  Many other stories he relates in this kind.  Thus men are plagued with women; they again with men, when they are of divers humours and conditions; he a spendthrift, she sparing; one honest, the other dishonest, &c.  Parents many times disquiet their children, and they their parents. [2374]"A foolish son is an heaviness to his mother.” Injusta noverca:  a stepmother often vexeth a whole family, is matter of repentance, exercise of patience, fuel of dissension, which made Cato’s son expostulate with his father, why he should offer to marry his client Solinius’ daughter, a young wench, Cujus causa novercam induceret; what offence had he done, that he should marry again?

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Unkind, unnatural friends, evil neighbours, bad servants, debts and debates, &c., ’twas Chilon’s sentence, comes aeris alieni et litis est miseria, misery and usury do commonly together; suretyship is the bane of many families, Sponde, praesto noxa est:  “he shall be sore vexed that is surety for a stranger,” Prov. xi. 15, “and he that hateth suretyship is sure.”  Contention, brawling, lawsuits, falling out of neighbours and friends.—­discordia demens (Virg. Aen. 6,) are equal to the first, grieve many a man, and vex his soul. Nihil sane miserabilius eorum mentibus, (as [2375]Boter holds) “nothing so miserable as such men, full of cares, griefs, anxieties, as if they were stabbed with a sharp sword, fear, suspicion, desperation, sorrow, are their ordinary companions.”  Our Welshmen are noted by some of their [2376]own writers, to consume one another in this kind; but whosoever they are that use it, these are their common symptoms, especially if they be convict or overcome, [2377]cast in a suit.  Arius put out of a bishopric by Eustathius, turned heretic, and lived after discontented all his life. [2378]Every repulse is of like nature; heu quanta de spe decidi!  Disgrace, infamy, detraction, will almost effect as much, and that a long time after.  Hipponax, a satirical poet, so vilified and lashed two painters in his iambics, ut ambo laqueo se suffocarent, [2379]Pliny saith, both hanged themselves.  All oppositions, dangers, perplexities, discontents, [2380]to live in any suspense, are of the same rank:  potes hoc sub casu ducere somnos?  Who can be secure in such cases?  Ill-bestowed benefits, ingratitude, unthankful friends, much disquiet and molest some.  Unkind speeches trouble as many; uncivil carriage or dogged answers, weak women above the rest, if they proceed from their surly husbands, are as bitter as gall, and not to be digested.  A glassman’s wife in Basil became melancholy because her husband said he would marry again if she died.  “No cut to unkindness,” as the saying is, a frown and hard speech, ill respect, a browbeating, or bad look, especially to courtiers, or such as attend upon great persons, is present death:  Ingenium vultu statque caditque suo, they ebb and flow with their masters’ favours.  Some persons are at their wits’ ends, if by chance they overshoot themselves, in their ordinary speeches, or actions, which may after turn to their disadvantage or disgrace, or have any secret disclosed.  Ronseus epist. miscel. 2, reports of a gentlewoman 25 years old, that falling foul with one of her gossips, was upbraided with a secret infirmity (no matter what) in public, and so much grieved with it, that she did thereupon solitudines quaerere omnes ab se ablegare, ac tandem in gravissimam incidens melancholiam, contabescere, forsake all company, quite moped, and in a melancholy humour pine away.  Others are as much tortured to see themselves rejected, contemned, scorned, disabled,

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       “Nam miserum est patria amissa, laribusque vagari
          Mendicum, et timida voce rogare cibos: 
        Omnibus invisus, quocunque accesserit exul
          Semper erit, semper spretus egensque jacet,” &c.

       “A miserable thing ’tis so to wander,
          And like a beggar for to whine at door,
        Contemn’d of all the world, an exile is,
          Hated, rejected, needy still and poor.”

Polynices in his conference with Jocasta in [2385]Euripides, reckons up five miseries of a banished man, the least of which alone were enough to deject some pusillanimous creatures.  Oftentimes a too great feeling of our own infirmities or imperfections of body or mind, will shrivel us up; as if we be long sick: 

       “O beata sanitas, te praesente, amaenum
        Ver florit gratiis, absque te nemo beatus:” 

O blessed health! “thou art above all gold and treasure,” Ecclus. xxx. 15, the poor man’s riches, the rich man’s bliss, without thee there can be no happiness:  or visited with some loathsome disease, offensive to others, or troublesome to ourselves; as a stinking breath, deformity of our limbs, crookedness, loss of an eye, leg, hand, paleness, leanness, redness, baldness, loss or want of hair, &c., hic ubi fluere caepit, diros ictus cordi infert, saith [2386]Synesius, he himself troubled not a little ob comae defectum, the loss of hair alone, strikes a cruel stroke to the heart.  Acco, an old woman, seeing by chance her face in a true glass (for she used false flattering glasses belike at other times, as most gentlewomen

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[2389]  ------“o deorum
Quisquis haec audis, utinam inter errem
Nuda leones,”

       “Antequam turpis macies decentes
        Occupet malas, teneraeque succus
        Defluat praedae, speciosa quaerro
                Pascere tigres.”

       “Hear me, some gracious heavenly power,
        Let lions dire this naked corse devour. 
        My cheeks ere hollow wrinkles seize. 
        Ere yet their rosy bloom decays: 
        While youth yet rolls its vital flood,
        Let tigers friendly riot in my blood.”

To be foul, ugly, and deformed, much better be buried alive.  Some are fair but barren, and that galls them.  “Hannah wept sore, did not eat, and was troubled in spirit, and all for her barrenness,” 1 Sam. 1. and Gen. 30.  Rachel said “in the anguish of her soul, give me a child, or I shall die:”  another hath too many:  one was never married, and that’s his hell, another is, and that’s his plague.  Some are troubled in that they are obscure; others by being traduced, slandered, abused, disgraced, vilified, or any way injured:  minime miror eos (as he said) qui insanire occipiunt ex injuria, I marvel not at all if offences make men mad.  Seventeen particular causes of anger and offence Aristotle reckons them up, which for brevity’s sake I must omit.  No tidings troubles one; ill reports, rumours, bad tidings or news, hard hap, ill success, cast in a suit, vain hopes, or hope deferred, another:  expectation, adeo omnibus in rebus molesta semper est expectatio, as [2390]Polybius observes; one is too eminent, another too base born, and that alone tortures him as much as the rest:  one is out of action, company, employment; another overcome and tormented with worldly cares, and onerous business.  But what [2391]tongue can suffice to speak of all?

Many men catch this malady by eating certain meats, herbs, roots, at unawares; as henbane, nightshade, cicuta, mandrakes, &c. [2392]A company of young men at Agrigentum in Sicily, came into a tavern; where after they had freely taken their liquor, whether it were the wine itself, or something mixed with it ’tis not yet known, [2393]but upon a sudden they began to be so troubled in their brains, and their phantasy so crazed, that they thought they were in a ship at sea, and now ready to be cast away by reason of a tempest.  Wherefore to avoid shipwreck and present drowning, they flung all the goods in the

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[2399] “Hic alias poteram, et plures subnectere causas,
        Sed jumenta vocant, et Sol inclinat, Eundum est.”

       “Many such causes, much more could I say,
        But that for provender my cattle stay: 
        The sun declines, and I must needs away.”

These causes if they be considered, and come alone, I do easily yield, can do little of themselves, seldom, or apart (an old oak is not felled at a blow) though many times they are all sufficient every one:  yet if they concur, as often they do, vis unita fortior; et quae non obsunt singula, multa nocent, they may batter a strong constitution; as [2400]Austin said, “many grains and small sands sink a ship, many small drops make a flood,” &c., often reiterated; many dispositions produce an habit.

MEMB.  V.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Continent, inward, antecedent, next causes and how the body works on the mind.

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As a purlieu hunter, I have hitherto beaten about the circuit of the forest of this microcosm, and followed only those outward adventitious causes.  I will now break into the inner rooms, and rip up the antecedent immediate causes which are there to be found.  For as the distraction of the mind, amongst other outward causes and perturbations, alters the temperature of the body, so the distraction and distemper of the body will cause a distemperature of the soul, and ’tis hard to decide which of these two do more harm to the other.  Plato, Cyprian, and some others, as I have formerly said, lay the greatest fault upon the soul, excusing the body; others again accusing the body, excuse the soul, as a principal agent.  Their reasons are, because [2401]"the manners do follow the temperature of the body,” as Galen proves in his book of that subject, Prosper Calenius de Atra bile, Jason Pratensis c. de Mania, Lemnius l. 4. c. 16. and many others.  And that which Gualter hath commented, hom. 10. in epist.  Johannis, is most true, concupiscence and originals in, inclinations, and bad humours, are [2402]radical in every one of us, causing these perturbations, affections, and several distempers, offering many times violence unto the soul.  “Every man is tempted by his own concupiscence (James i. 14), the spirit is willing but the flesh is weak, and rebelleth against the spirit,” as our [2403]apostle teacheth us:  that methinks the soul hath the better plea against the body, which so forcibly inclines us, that we cannot resist, Nec nos obniti contra, nec tendere tantum sufficimus.  How the body being material, worketh upon the immaterial soul, by mediation of humours and spirits, which participate of both, and ill-disposed organs, Cornelius Agrippa hath discoursed lib. 1. de occult.  Philos. cap. 63, 64, 65. Levinus Lemnius lib. 1. de occult. nat. mir. cap. 12. et 16. et 21. institut. ad opt. vit.  Perkins lib. 1.  Cases of Cons. cap. 12. T. Bright c. 10, 11, 12. “in his treatise of melancholy,” for as, [2404] anger, fear, sorrow, obtrectation, emulation, &c. si mentis intimos recessus occuparint, saith [2405]Lemnius, corpori quoque infesta sunt, et illi teterrimos morbos inferunt, cause grievous diseases in the body, so bodily diseases affect the soul by consent.  Now the chiefest causes proceed from the [2406]heart, humours, spirits:  as they are purer, or impurer, so is the mind, and equally suffers, as a lute out of tune, if one string or one organ be distempered, all the rest miscarry, [2407]_corpus onustum hesternis vitiis, animum quoque praegravat una_.  The body is domicilium animae, her house, abode, and stay; and as a torch gives a better light, a sweeter smell, according to the matter it is made of; so doth our soul perform all her actions, better or worse, as her organs are disposed; or as wine savours of the cask wherein it is kept; the soul receives a tincture from the body, through which it

Page 313

Now this body of ours is most part distempered by some precedent diseases, which molest his inward organs and instruments, and so per consequens cause melancholy, according to the consent of the most approved physicians. [2409]"This humour” (as Avicenna l. 3.  Fen. 1.  Tract. 4. c. 18. Arnoldus breviar. l. 1. c. 18. Jacchinus comment. in 9 Rhasis, c. 15. Montaltus, c. 10. Nicholas Piso c. de Melan. &c. suppose) “is begotten by the distemperature of some inward part, innate, or left after some inflammation, or else included in the blood after an [2410]ague, or some other malignant disease.”  This opinion of theirs concurs with that of Galen, l. 3. c. 6. de locis affect.  Guianerius gives an instance in one so caused by a quartan ague, and Montanus consil. 32. in a young man of twenty-eight years of age, so distempered after a quartan, which had molested him five years together; Hildesheim spicel. 2. de Mania, relates of a Dutch baron, grievously tormented with melancholy after a long [2411]ague:  Galen, l. de atra bile, c. 4. puts the plague a cause.  Botaldus in his book de lue vener. c. 2. the French pox for a cause, others, frenzy, epilepsy, apoplexy, because those diseases do often degenerate into this.  Of suppression of haemorrhoids, haemorrhagia, or bleeding at the nose, menstruous retentions, (although they deserve a larger explication, as being the sole cause of a proper kind of melancholy, in more ancient maids, nuns and widows, handled apart by Rodericus a Castro, and Mercatus, as I have elsewhere signified,) or any other evacuation stopped, I have already spoken.  Only this I will add, that this melancholy which shall be caused by such infirmities, deserves to be pitied of all men, and to be respected with a more tender compassion, according to Laurentius, as coming from a more inevitable cause.

SUBSECT.  II.—­Distemperature of particular Parts, causes.

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There is almost no part of the body, which being distempered, doth not cause this malady, as the brain and his parts, heart, liver, spleen, stomach, matrix or womb, pylorus, mirach, mesentery, hypochondries, mesaraic veins; and in a word, saith [2412]Arculanus, “there is no part which causeth not melancholy, either because it is adust, or doth not expel the superfluity of the nutriment.”  Savanarola Pract. major. rubric. 11.  Tract. 6. cap. 1. is of the same opinion, that melancholy is engendered in each particular part, and [2413]Crato in consil. 17. lib. 2. Gordonius, who is instar omnium, lib. med. partic. 2. cap. 19. confirms as much, putting the [2414]"matter of melancholy, sometimes in the stomach, liver, heart, brain, spleen, mirach, hypochondries, when as the melancholy humour resides there, or the liver is not well cleansed from melancholy blood.”

The brain is a familiar and frequent cause, too hot, or too cold, [2415] “through adust blood so caused,” as Mercurialis will have it, “within or without the head,” the brain itself being distempered.  Those are most apt to this disease, [2416]"that have a hot heart and moist brain,” which Montaltus cap. 11. de Melanch. approves out of Halyabbas, Rhasis, and Avicenna.  Mercurialis consil. 11. assigns the coldness of the brain a cause, and Salustius Salvianus med. lect. l. 2. c. 1. [2417]will have it “arise from a cold and dry distemperature of the brain.”  Piso, Benedictus Victorius Faventinus, will have it proceed from a [2418]"hot distemperature of the brain;” and [2419]Montaltus cap. 10. from the brain’s heat, scorching the blood.  The brain is still distempered by himself, or by consent:  by himself or his proper affection, as Faventinus calls it, [2420]"or by vapours which arise from the other parts, and fume up into the head, altering the animal facilities.”

Hildesheim spicel. 2. de Mania, thinks it may be caused from a [2421] “distemperature of the heart; sometimes hot; sometimes cold.”  A hot liver, and a cold stomach, are put for usual causes of melancholy:  Mercurialis consil. 11. et consil. 6. consil. 86. assigns a hot liver and cold stomach for ordinary causes. [2422]Monavius, in an epistle of his to Crato in Scoltzius, is of opinion, that hypochondriacal melancholy may proceed from a cold liver; the question is there discussed.  Most agree that a hot liver is in fault; [2423]"the liver is the shop of humours, and especially causeth melancholy by his hot and dry distemperature.” [2424]"The stomach and mesaraic veins do often concur, by reason of their obstructions, and thence their heat cannot be avoided, and many times the matter is so adust and inflamed in those parts, that it degenerates into hypochondriacal melancholy.”  Guianerius c. 2.  Tract. 15. holds the mesaraic veins to be a sufficient [2425]cause alone.  The spleen concurs to this malady, by all their consents, and suppression of haemorrhoids, dum non expurget alter

Page 315

The mesenterium, or midriff, diaphragma, is a cause which the [2430]Greeks called [Greek:  phrenas]:  because by his inflammation, the mind is much troubled with convulsions and dotage.  All these, most part, offend by inflammation, corrupting humours and spirits, in this non-natural melancholy:  for from these are engendered fuliginous and black spirits.  And for that reason [2431]Montaltus cap. 10. de causis melan. will have “the efficient cause of melancholy to be hot and dry, not a cold and dry distemperature, as some hold, from the heat of the brain, roasting the blood, immoderate heat of the liver and bowels, and inflammation of the pylorus.  And so much the rather, because that,” as Galen holds, “all spices inflame the blood, solitariness, waking, agues, study, meditation, all which heat:  and therefore he concludes that this distemperature causing adventitious melancholy is not cold and dry, but hot and dry.”  But of this I have sufficiently treated in the matter of melancholy, and hold that this may be true in non-natural melancholy, which produceth madness, but not in that natural, which is more cold, and being immoderate, produceth a gentle dotage. [2432]Which opinion Geraldus de Solo maintains in his comment upon Rhasis.

SUBSECT.  III.—­Causes of Head-Melancholy.

After a tedious discourse of the general causes of melancholy, I am now returned at last to treat in brief of the three particular species, and such causes as properly appertain unto them.  Although these causes promiscuously concur to each and every particular kind, and commonly produce their effects in that part which is most ill-disposed, and least able to resist, and so cause all three species, yet many of them are proper to some one kind, and seldom found in the rest.  As for example, head-melancholy is commonly caused by a cold or hot distemperature of the brain, according to Laurentius cap. 5 de melan. but as [2433]Hercules de Saxonia contends, from that agitation or distemperature of the animal spirits alone.  Salust.  Salvianus, before mentioned, lib. 2. cap. 3. de re med. will have it proceed from cold:  but that I take of natural melancholy, such as are fools and dote:  for as Galen writes lib. 4. de puls. 8. and Avicenna, [2434]"a cold and moist brain is an inseparable companion of folly.”  But this adventitious melancholy which is here meant, is caused of a hot and dry distemperature, as [2435]Damascen the Arabian

Page 316

SUBSECT.  IV.—­Causes of Hypochondriacal, or Windy Melancholy.

In repeating of these causes, I must crambem bis coctam apponere, say that again which I have formerly said, in applying them to their proper species.  Hypochondriacal or flatuous melancholy, is that which the Arabians call mirachial, and is in my judgment the most grievous and frequent, though Bruel and Laurentius make it least dangerous, and not so hard to be known or cured.  His causes are inward or outward.  Inward from divers parts or organs, as midriff, spleen, stomach, liver, pylorus, womb, diaphragma, mesaraic veins, stopping of issues, &c.  Montaltus cap.

Page 317

Page 318

SUBSECT.  V.—­Causes of Melancholy from the whole Body.

As before, the cause of this kind of melancholy is inward or outward.  Inward, [2449]"when the liver is apt to engender such a humour, or the spleen weak by nature, and not able to discharge his office.”  A melancholy temperature, retention of haemorrhoids, monthly issues, bleeding at nose, long diseases, agues, and all those six non-natural things increase it.  But especially [2450]bad diet, as Piso thinks, pulse, salt meat, shellfish, cheese, black wine, &c.  Mercurialis out of Averroes and Avicenna condemns all herbs:  Galen, lib. 3, de loc. affect. cap. 7, especially cabbage.  So likewise fear, sorrow, discontents, &c., but of these before.  And thus in brief you have had the general and particular causes of melancholy.

Now go and brag of thy present happiness, whosoever thou art, brag of thy temperature, of thy good parts, insult, triumph, and boast; thou seest in what a brittle state thou art, how soon thou mayst be dejected, how many several ways, by bad diet, bad air, a small loss, a little sorrow or discontent, an ague, &c.; how many sudden accidents may procure thy ruin, what a small tenure of happiness thou hast in this life, how weak and silly a creature thou art.  “Humble thyself, therefore, under the mighty hand of God,” 1 Peter, v. 6, know thyself, acknowledge thy present misery, and make right use of it. Qui stat videat ne cadat. Thou dost now flourish, and hast bona animi, corporis, et fortunae, goods of body, mind, and fortune, nescis quid serus secum vesper ferat, thou knowest not what storms and tempests the late evening may bring with it.  Be not secure then, “be sober and watch,” [2451]_fortunam reverenter habe_, if fortunate and rich; if sick and poor, moderate thyself.  I have said.

Page 319

SECT.  III.  MEMB.  I.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Symptoms, or Signs of Melancholy in the Body.

Parrhasius, a painter of Athens, amongst those Olynthian captives Philip of Macedon brought home to sell, [2452]bought one very old man; and when he had him at Athens, put him to extreme torture and torment, the better by his example to express the pains and passions of his Prometheus, whom he was then about to paint.  I need not be so barbarous, inhuman, curious, or cruel, for this purpose to torture any poor melancholy man, their symptoms are plain, obvious and familiar, there needs no such accurate observation or far-fetched object, they delineate themselves, they voluntarily betray themselves, they are too frequent in all places, I meet them still as I go, they cannot conceal it, their grievances are too well known, I need not seek far to describe them.

Symptoms therefore are either [2453]universal or particular, saith Gordonius, lib. med. cap. 19, part. 2, to persons, to species; “some signs are secret, some manifest, some in the body, some in the mind, and diversely vary, according to the inward or outward causes,” Capivaccius:  or from stars, according to Jovianus Pontanus, de reb. caelest. lib. 10, cap. 13, and celestial influences, or from the humours diversely mixed, Ficinus, lib. 1, cap. 4, de sanit. tuenda:  as they are hot, cold, natural, unnatural, intended, or remitted, so will Aetius have melancholica deliria multiformia, diversity of melancholy signs.  Laurentius ascribes them to their several temperatures, delights, natures, inclinations, continuance of time, as they are simple or mixed with other diseases, as the causes are divers, so must the signs be, almost infinite, Altomarus cap. 7, art. med. And as wine produceth divers effects, or that herb Tortocolla in [2454]Laurentius, “which makes some laugh, some weep, some sleep, some dance, some sing, some howl, some drink,” &c. so doth this our melancholy humour work several signs in several parties.

But to confine them, these general symptoms may be reduced to those of the body or the mind.  Those usual signs appearing in the bodies of such as are melancholy, be these cold and dry, or they are hot and dry, as the humour is more or less adust.  From [2455]these first qualities arise many other second, as that of [2456]colour, black, swarthy, pale, ruddy, &c., some are impense rubri, as Montaltus cap. 16 observes out of Galen, lib. 3, de locis affectis, very red and high coloured.  Hippocrates in his book [2457]_de insania et melan._ reckons up these signs, that they are [2458] “lean, withered, hollow-eyed, look old, wrinkled, harsh, much troubled with wind, and a griping in their bellies, or bellyache, belch often, dry bellies and hard, dejected looks, flaggy beards, singing of the ears, vertigo, light-headed, little or no sleep, and that interrupt,

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Page 321

Their urine is most part pale, and low coloured, urina pauca acris, biliosa (Areteus), not much in quantity; but this, in my judgment, is all out as uncertain as the other, varying so often according to several persons, habits, and other occasions not to be respected in chronic diseases. [2468]"Their melancholy excrements in some very much, in others little, as the spleen plays his part,” and thence proceeds wind, palpitation of the heart, short breath, plenty of humidity in the stomach, heaviness of heart and heartache, and intolerable stupidity and dullness of spirits.  Their excrements or stool hard, black to some and little.  If the heart, brain, liver, spleen, be misaffected, as usually they are, many inconveniences proceed from them, many diseases accompany, as incubus, [2469]apoplexy, epilepsy, vertigo, those frequent wakings and terrible dreams, [2470]intempestive laughing, weeping, sighing, sobbing, bashfulness, blushing, trembling, sweating, swooning, &c. [2471]All their senses are troubled, they think they see, hear, smell, and touch that which they do not, as shall be proved in the following discourse.

SUBSECT.  II.—­Symptoms or Signs in the Mind.

Fear.] Arculanus in 9.  Rhasis ad Almansor. cap. 16. will have these symptoms to be infinite, as indeed they are, varying according to the parties, “for scarce is there one of a thousand that dotes alike,” [2472] Laurentius c. 16. Some few of greater note I will point at; and amongst the rest, fear and sorrow, which as they are frequent causes, so if they persevere long, according to Hippocrates [2473]and Galen’s aphorisms, they are most assured signs, inseparable companions, and characters of melancholy; of present melancholy and habituated, saith Montaltus cap. 11. and common to them all, as the said Hippocrates, Galen, Avicenna, and all Neoterics hold.  But as hounds many times run away with a false cry, never perceiving themselves to be at a fault, so do they.  For Diocles of old, (whom Galen confutes,) and amongst the juniors, [2474]Hercules de Saxonia, with Lod.  Mercatus cap. 17. l. 1. de melan., takes just exceptions, at this aphorism of Hippocrates, ’tis not always true, or so generally to be understood, “fear and sorrow are no common symptoms to all melancholy; upon more serious consideration, I find some” (saith he) “that are not so at all.  Some indeed are sad, and not fearful; some fearful and not sad; some neither fearful nor sad; some both.”  Four kinds he excepts, fanatical persons, such as were Cassandra, Nanto, Nicostrata, Mopsus, Proteus, the sibyls, whom [2475]Aristotle confesseth to have been deeply melancholy.  Baptista Porta seconds him, Physiog. lib. 1, cap. 8, they were atra bile perciti:  demoniacal persons, and such as speak strange languages, are of this rank:  some poets, such as laugh always, and think themselves kings, cardinals, &c., sanguine they are, pleasantly disposed most part, and so continue.

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Page 323

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Page 325

Sorrow is that other character, and inseparable companion, as individual as Saint Cosmus and Damian, fidus Achates, as all writers witness, a common symptom, a continual, and still without any evident cause, [2497]_moerent omnes, et si roges eos reddere causam, non possunt_:  grieving still, but why they cannot tell:  Agelasti, moesti, cogitabundi, they look as if they had newly come forth of Trophonius’ den.  And though they laugh many times, and seem to be extraordinary merry (as they will by fits), yet extreme lumpish again in an instant, dull and heavy, semel et simul, merry and sad, but most part sad:  [2498]_Si qua placent, abeunt; inimica tenacius haerent_:  sorrow sticks by them still continually, gnawing as the vulture did [2499]Titius’ bowels, and they cannot avoid it.  No sooner are their eyes open, but after terrible and troublesome dreams their heavy hearts begin to sigh:  they are still fretting, chafing, sighing, grieving, complaining, finding faults, repining, grudging, weeping, Heautontimorumenoi, vexing themselves, [2500]disquieted in mind, with restless, unquiet thoughts, discontent, either for their own, other men’s or public affairs, such as concern them not; things past, present, or to come, the remembrance of some disgrace, loss, injury, abuses, &c. troubles them now being idle afresh, as if it were new done; they are afflicted otherwise for some danger, loss, want, shame, misery, that will certainly come, as they suspect and mistrust.  Lugubris Ate frowns upon them, insomuch that Areteus well calls it angorem animi, a vexation of the mind, a perpetual agony.  They can hardly be pleased, or eased, though in other men’s opinion most happy, go, tarry, run, ride, [2501]—­post equitem sedet atra cura:  they cannot avoid this feral plague, let them come in what company they will, [2502]_haeret leteri lethalis arundo_, as to a deer that is struck, whether he run, go, rest with the herd, or alone, this grief remains:  irresolution, inconstancy, vanity of mind, their fear, torture, care, jealousy, suspicion, &c., continues, and they cannot be relieved.  So [2503]he complained in the poet,

       “Domum revertor moestus, atque animo fere
        Perturbato, atque incerto prae aegritudine,
        Assido, accurrunt servi:  succos detrahunt,
        Video alios festinare, lectos sternere,
        Coenam apparare, pro se quisque sedulo
        Faciebant, quo illam mihi lenirent miseriam.”

“He came home sorrowful, and troubled in his mind, his servants did all they possibly could to please him; one pulled off his socks, another made ready his bed, a third his supper, all did their utmost endeavours to ease his grief, and exhilarate his person, he was profoundly melancholy, he had lost his son, illud angebat, that was his Cordolium, his pain, his agony which could not be removed.”

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Taedium vitae.] Hence it proceeds many times, that they are weary of their lives, and feral thoughts to offer violence to their own persons come into their minds, taedium vitae is a common symptom, tarda fluunt, ingrataque tempora, they are soon tired with all things; they will now tarry, now be gone; now in bed they will rise, now up, then go to bed, now pleased, then again displeased; now they like, by and by dislike all, weary of all, sequitur nunc vivendi, nunc moriendi cupido, saith Aurelianus, lib. 1. cap. 6, but most part [2504]_vitam damnant_, discontent, disquieted, perplexed upon every light, or no occasion, object:  often tempted, I say, to make away themselves:  [2505]_Vivere nolunt, mori nesciunt_:  they cannot die, they will not live:  they complain, weep, lament, and think they lead a most miserable life, never was any man so bad, or so before, every poor man they see is most fortunate in respect of them, every beggar that comes to the door is happier than they are, they could be contented to change lives with them, especially if they be alone, idle, and parted from their ordinary company, molested, displeased, or provoked:  grief, fear, agony, discontent, wearisomeness, laziness, suspicion, or some such passion forcibly seizeth on them.  Yet by and by when they come in company again, which they like, or be pleased, suam sententiam rursus damnant, et vitae solatia delectantur, as Octavius Horatianus observes, lib. 2. cap. 5, they condemn their former mislike, and are well pleased to live.  And so they continue, till with some fresh discontent they be molested again, and then they are weary of their lives, weary of all, they will die, and show rather a necessity to live, than a desire.  Claudius the emperor, as [2506] Sueton describes him, had a spice of this disease, for when he was tormented with the pain of his stomach, he had a conceit to make away himself.  Julius Caesar Claudinus, consil. 84. had a Polonian to his patient, so affected, that through [2507]fear and sorrow, with which he was still disquieted, hated his own life, wished for death every moment, and to be freed of his misery.  Mercurialis another, and another that was often minded to despatch himself, and so continued for many years.

Suspicion, Jealousy.] Suspicion, and jealousy, are general symptoms:  they are commonly distrustful, apt to mistake, and amplify, facile irascibiles, [2508]testy, pettish, peevish, and ready to snarl upon every [2509]small occasion, cum amicissimis, and without a cause, datum vel non datum, it will be scandalum acceptum.  If they speak in jest, he takes it in good earnest.  If they be not saluted, invited, consulted with, called to counsel, &c., or that any respect, small compliment, or ceremony be omitted, they think themselves neglected, and contemned; for a time that tortures them.  If two talk together, discourse, whisper, jest, or

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Inconstancy.] Inconstant they are in all their actions, vertiginous, restless, unapt to resolve of any business, they will and will not, persuaded to and fro upon every small occasion, or word spoken:  and yet if once they be resolved, obstinate, hard to be reconciled.  If they abhor, dislike, or distaste, once settled, though to the better by odds, by no counsel, or persuasion, to be removed.  Yet in most things wavering, irresolute, unable to deliberate, through fear, faciunt, et mox facti poenitent (Areteus) avari, et paulo post prodigi.  Now prodigal, and then covetous, they do, and by-and-by repent them of that which they have done, so that both ways they are troubled, whether they do or do not, want or have, hit or miss, disquieted of all hands, soon weary, and still seeking change, restless, I say, fickle, fugitive, they may not abide to tarry in one place long.

[2511] “Romae rus optans, absentem rusticus urbem
Tollit ad astra”------

no company long, or to persevere in any action or business.

[2512] “Et similis regum pueris, pappare minutum
        Poscit, et iratus mammae lallare recusat,”

eftsoons pleased, and anon displeased, as a man that’s bitten with fleas, or that cannot sleep turns to and fro in his bed, their restless minds are tossed and vary, they have no patience to read out a book, to play out a game or two, walk a mile, sit an hour, &c., erected and dejected in an instant; animated to undertake, and upon a word spoken again discouraged.

Passionate.] Extreme passionate, Quicquid volunt valde volunt; and what they desire, they do most furiously seek; anxious ever, and very solicitous, distrustful, and timorous, envious, malicious, profuse one while, sparing another, but most part covetous, muttering, repining, discontent, and still complaining, grudging, peevish, injuriarum tenaces, prone to revenge, soon troubled, and most violent in all their imaginations, not affable in speech, or apt to vulgar compliment, but surly, dull, sad, austere; cogitabundi still, very intent, and as [2513]

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Amorous.] “They are prone to love,” and [2516]easy to be taken; Propensi ad amorem et excandescentiam (Montaltus cap. 21.) quickly enamoured, and dote upon all, love one dearly, till they see another, and then dote on her, Et hanc, et hanc, et illam, et omnes, the present moves most, and the last commonly they love best.  Yet some again Anterotes, cannot endure the sight of a woman, abhor the sex, as that same melancholy [2517]duke of Muscovy, that was instantly sick, if he came but in sight of them; and that [2518]Anchorite, that fell into a cold palsy, when a woman was brought before him.

Humorous.] Humorous they are beyond all measure, sometimes profusely laughing, extraordinarily merry, and then again weeping without a cause, (which is familiar with many gentlewomen,) groaning, sighing, pensive, sad, almost distracted, multa absurda fingunt, et a ratione aliena (saith [2519]Frambesarius), they feign many absurdities, vain, void of reason:  one supposeth himself to be a dog, cock, bear, horse, glass, butter, &c.  He is a giant, a dwarf, as

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Bashfulness.] [2527]Crato, [2528]Laurentius, and Fernelius, put bashfulness for an ordinary symptom, sabrusticus pudor, or vitiosus pudor, is a thing which much haunts and torments them.  If they have been misused, derided, disgraced, chidden, &c., or by any perturbation of mind, misaffected, it so far troubles them, that they become quite moped many times, and so disheartened, dejected, they dare not come abroad, into strange companies especially, or manage their ordinary affairs, so childish, timorous, and bashful, they can look no man in the face; some are more disquieted in this kind, some less, longer some, others shorter, by fits, &c., though some on the other side (according to [2529]Fracastorius) be inverecundi et pertinaces, impudent and peevish.  But most part they are very shamefaced, and that makes them with Pet.  Blesensis, Christopher Urswick, and many such, to refuse honours, offices, and preferments, which sometimes fall into their mouths, they cannot speak, or put forth themselves as others can, timor hos, pudor impedit illos, timorousness and bashfulness hinder their proceedings, they are contented with their present estate, unwilling to undertake any office, and therefore never likely to rise.  For that cause they seldom visit their friends, except some familiars:  pauciloqui, of few words, and oftentimes wholly silent. [2530] Frambeserius, a Frenchman, had two such patients, omnino taciturnos, their friends could not get them to speak:  Rodericus a Fonseca consult. tom. 2. 85. consil. gives instance in a young man, of twenty-seven years of age, that was frequently silent, bashful, moped, solitary, that would not eat his meat, or sleep, and yet again by fits apt to be angry, &c.

Solitariness.] Most part they are, as Plater notes, desides, taciturni, aegre impulsi, nec nisi coacti procedunt, &c. they will scarce be compelled to do that which concerns them, though it be for their good, so diffident, so dull, of small or no compliment, unsociable, hard to be acquainted with, especially of strangers; they had rather write their minds than speak, and above all things love solitariness. Ob voluptatem, an ob timorem soli sunt?  Are they so solitary for pleasure (one asks,) or pain? for both; yet I rather think for fear and sorrow, &c.

[2531] “Hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent fugiuntque, nec auras
        Respiciunt, clausi tenebris, et carcere caeco.”

       “Hence ’tis they grieve and fear, avoiding light,
        And shut themselves in prison dark from sight.”

As Bellerophon in [2532]Homer,

       “Qui miser in sylvis moerens errabat opacis,
        Ipse suum cor edens, hominum vestigia vitans.”

       “That wandered in the woods sad all alone,
        Forsaking men’s society, making great moan.”

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They delight in floods and waters, desert places, to walk alone in orchards, gardens, private walks, back lanes, averse from company, as Diogenes in his tub, or Timon Misanthropus [2533], they abhor all companions at last, even their nearest acquaintances and most familiar friends, for they have a conceit (I say) every man observes them, will deride, laugh to scorn, or misuse them, confining themselves therefore wholly to their private houses or chambers, fugiunt homines sine causa (saith Rhasis) et odio habent, cont. l. 1. c. 9. they will diet themselves, feed and live alone.  It was one of the chiefest reasons why the citizens of Abdera suspected Democritus to be melancholy and mad, because that, as Hippocrates related in his Epistle to Philopaemenes, [2534]"he forsook the city, lived in groves and hollow trees, upon a green bank by a brook side, or confluence of waters all day long, and all night.” Quae quidem (saith he) plurimum atra bile vexatis et melancholicis eveniunt, deserta frequentant, hominumque congressum aversantur; [2535]which is an ordinary thing with melancholy men.  The Egyptians therefore in their hieroglyphics expressed a melancholy man by a hare sitting in her form, as being a most timorous and solitary creature, Pierius Hieroglyph. l. 12. But this, and all precedent symptoms, are more or less apparent, as the humour is intended or remitted, hardly perceived in some, or not all, most manifest in others.  Childish in some, terrible in others; to be derided in one, pitied or admired in another; to him by fits, to a second continuate:  and howsoever these symptoms be common and incident to all persons, yet they are the more remarkable, frequent, furious and violent in melancholy men.  To speak in a word, there is nothing so vain, absurd, ridiculous, extravagant, impossible, incredible, so monstrous a chimera, so prodigious and strange, [2536]such as painters and poets durst not attempt, which they will not really fear, feign, suspect and imagine unto themselves:  and that which [2537]Lod.  Vives said in a jest of a silly country fellow, that killed his ass for drinking up the moon, ut lunam mundo redderet, you may truly say of them in earnest; they will act, conceive all extremes, contrarieties, and contradictions, and that in infinite varieties. Melancholici plane incredibilia sibi persuadent, ut vix omnibus saeculis duo reperti sint, qui idem imaginati sint (Erastus de Lamiis), scarce two of two thousand that concur in the same symptoms.  The tower of Babel never yielded such confusion of tongues, as the chaos of melancholy doth variety of symptoms.  There is in all melancholy similitudo dissimilis, like men’s faces, a disagreeing likeness still; and as in a river we swim in the same place, though not in the same numerical water; as the same instrument affords several lessons, so the same disease yields diversity of symptoms.  Which howsoever they be diverse, intricate, and hard to be confined, I will adventure yet in such a vast confusion and generality to bring them into some order; and so descend to particulars.

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SUBSECT.  III.—­Particular Symptoms from the influence of Stars, parts of the Body, and Humours.

Some men have peculiar symptoms, according to their temperament and crisis, which they had from the stars and those celestial influences, variety of wits and dispositions, as Anthony Zara contends, Anat. ingen. sect. 1. memb. 11, 12, 13, 14. plurimum irritant influentiae, caelestes, unde cientur animi aegritudines et morbi corporum. [2538]One saith, diverse diseases of the body and mind proceed from their influences, [2539]as I have already proved out of Ptolemy, Pontanus, Lemnius, Cardan, and others as they are principal significators of manners, diseases, mutually irradiated, or lords of the geniture, &c.  Ptolomeus in his centiloquy, Hermes, or whosoever else the author of that tract, attributes all these symptoms, which are in melancholy men, to celestial influences:  which opinion Mercurialis de affect, lib. cap. 10. rejects; but, as I say, [2540]Jovianus Pontanus and others stiffly defend.  That some are solitary, dull, heavy, churlish; some again blithe, buxom, light, and merry, they ascribe wholly to the stars.  As if Saturn be predominant in his nativity, and cause melancholy in his temperature, then [2541]he shall be very austere, sullen, churlish, black of colour, profound in his cogitations, full of cares, miseries, and discontents, sad and fearful, always silent, solitary, still delighting in husbandry, in woods, orchards, gardens, rivers, ponds, pools, dark walks and close:  Cogitationes sunt velle aedificare, velle arbores plantare, agros colere, &c.  To catch birds, fishes, &c. still contriving and musing of such matters.  If Jupiter domineers, they are more ambitious, still meditating of kingdoms, magistracies, offices, honours, or that they are princes, potentates, and how they would carry themselves, &c.  If Mars, they are all for wars, brave combats, monomachies, testy, choleric, harebrain, rash, furious, and violent in their actions.  They will feign themselves victors, commanders, are passionate and satirical in their speeches, great braggers, ruddy of colour.  And though they be poor in show, vile and base, yet like Telephus and Peleus in the [2542]poet, Ampullas jactant et sesquipedalia verba, “forget their swelling and gigantic words,” their mouths are full of myriads, and tetrarchs at their tongues’ end.  If the sun, they will be lords, emperors, in conceit at least, and monarchs, give offices, honours, &c.  If Venus, they are still courting of their mistresses, and most apt to love, amorously given, they seem to hear music, plays, see fine pictures, dancers, merriments, and the like.  Ever in love, and dote on all they see.  Mercurialists are solitary, much in contemplation, subtle, poets, philosophers, and musing most part about such matters.  If the moon have a hand, they are all for peregrinations, sea voyages, much affected with travels, to discourse, read, meditate of such things; wandering in their thoughts, diverse, much delighting in waters, to fish, fowl, &c.

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But the most immediate symptoms proceed from the temperature itself, and the organical parts, as head, liver, spleen, mesaraic veins, heart, womb, stomach, &c., and most especially from distemperature of spirits (which, as [2543]Hercules de Saxonia contends, are wholly immaterial), or from the four humours in those seats, whether they be hot or cold, natural, unnatural, innate or adventitious, intended or remitted, simple or mixed, their diverse mixtures, and several adustions, combinations, which may be as diversely varied, as those [2544]four first qualities in [2545] Clavius, and produce as many several symptoms and monstrous fictions as wine doth effect, which as Andreas Bachius observes, lib. 3. de vino, cap. 20. are infinite.  Of greater note be these.

If it be natural melancholy, as Lod.  Mercatus, lib. 1. cap. 17. de melan. T. Bright. c. 16. hath largely described, either of the spleen, or of the veins, faulty by excess of quantity, or thickness of substance, it is a cold and dry humour, as Montanus affirms, consil. 26 the parties are sad, timorous and fearful.  Prosper Calenus, in his book de atra bile, will have them to be more stupid than ordinary, cold, heavy, solitary, sluggish. Si multam atram bilem et frigidam habent.  Hercules de Saxonia, c. 19. l. 7. [2546]"holds these that are naturally melancholy, to be of a leaden colour or black,” and so doth Guianerius, c. 3. tract. 15. and such as think themselves dead many times, or that they see, talk with black men, dead men, spirits and goblins frequently, if it be in excess.  These symptoms vary according to the mixture of those four humours adust, which is unnatural melancholy.  For as Trallianus hath written, cap. 16. l. 7. [2547]"There is not one cause of this melancholy, nor one humour which begets, but divers diversely intermixed, from whence proceeds this variety of symptoms:”  and those varying again as they are hot or cold. [2548]"Cold melancholy” (saith Benedic.  Vittorius Faventinus pract. mag.) “is a cause of dotage, and more mild symptoms, if hot or more adust, of more violent passions, and furies.”  Fracastorius, l. 2. de intellect. will have us to consider well of it, [2549]"with what kind of melancholy every one is troubled, for it much avails to know it; one is enraged by fervent heat, another is possessed by sad and cold; one is fearful, shamefaced; the other impudent and bold;” as Ajax, Arma rapit superosque furens inpraelia poscit:  quite mad or tending to madness. Nunc hos, nunc impetit illos. Bellerophon on the other side, solis errat male sanus in agris, wanders alone in the woods; one despairs, weeps, and is weary of his life, another laughs, &c.  All which variety is produced from the several degrees of heat and cold, which [2550]Hercules de Saxonia will have wholly proceed from the distemperature of spirits alone, animal especially, and those immaterial, the next and immediate causes

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For example, if it proceed from phlegm, (which is seldom and not so frequently as the rest) [2554]it stirs up dull symptoms, and a kind of stupidity, or impassionate hurt:  they are sleepy, saith [2555]Savanarola, dull, slow, cold, blockish, ass-like, Asininam melancholiam, [2556] Melancthon calls it, “they are much given to weeping, and delight in waters, ponds, pools, rivers, fishing, fowling,” &c. (Arnoldus breviar. 1. cap. 18.) They are [2557]pale of colour, slothful, apt to sleep, heavy; [2558]much troubled with headache, continual meditation, and muttering to themselves; they dream of waters, [2559]that they are in danger of drowning, and fear such things, Rhasis.  They are fatter than others that are melancholy, of a muddy complexion, apter to spit, [2560] sleep, more troubled with rheum than the rest, and have their eyes still fixed on the ground.  Such a patient had Hercules de Saxonia, a widow in Venice, that was fat and very sleepy still; Christophorus a Vega another affected in the same sort.  If it be inveterate or violent, the symptoms are more evident, they plainly denote and are ridiculous to others, in all their gestures, actions, speeches; imagining impossibilities, as he in Christophorus a Vega, that thought he was a tun of wine, [2561]and that Siennois, that resolved within himself not to piss, for fear he should drown all the town.

If it proceed from blood adust, or that there be a mixture of blood in it, [2562]"such are commonly ruddy of complexion, and high-coloured,” according to Salust.  Salvianus, and Hercules de Saxonia.  And as Savanarola, Vittorius Faventinus Emper. farther adds, [2563]"the veins of their eyes be red, as well as their faces.”  They are much inclined to laughter, witty and merry, conceited in discourse, pleasant, if they be not far gone, much given to music, dancing, and to be in women’s company.  They meditate wholly on such things, and think [2564]"they see or hear plays, dancing, and suchlike sports” (free from all fear and sorrow, as [2565]Hercules de Saxonia supposeth.) If they be more strongly possessed with this kind of melancholy, Arnoldus adds, Breviar. lib. 1. cap. 18. Like him of Argos in the Poet, that sate laughing [2566]all day long, as if he had

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If it arise from choler adust, they are bold and impudent, and of a more harebrain disposition, apt to quarrel, and think of such things, battles, combats, and their manhood, furious; impatient in discourse, stiff, irrefragable and prodigious in their tenets; and if they be moved, most violent, outrageous, [2570]ready to disgrace, provoke any, to kill themselves and others; Arnoldus adds, stark mad by fits, [2571]"they sleep little, their urine is subtle and fiery.” (Guianerius.) “In their fits you shall hear them speak all manner of languages, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, that never were taught or knew them before.”  Apponensis in com. in Pro. sec. 30. speaks of a mad woman that spake excellent good Latin:  and Rhasis knew another, that could prophecy in her fit, and foretell things truly to come. [2572]Guianerius had a patient could make Latin verses when the moon was combust, otherwise illiterate.  Avicenna and some of his adherents will have these symptoms, when they happen, to proceed from the devil, and that they are rather demoniaci, possessed, than mad or melancholy, or both together, as Jason Pratensis thinks, Immiscent se mali genii, &c. but most ascribe it to the humour, which opinion Montaltus cap. 21. stiffly maintains, confuting Avicenna and the rest, referring it wholly to the quality and disposition of the humour and subject.  Cardan de rerum var. lib. 8. cap. 10. holds these men of all others fit to be assassins, bold, hardy, fierce, and adventurous, to undertake anything by reason of their choler adust. [2573]"This humour, saith he, prepares them to endure death itself, and all manner of torments with invincible courage, and ’tis a wonder to see with what alacrity they will undergo such tortures,” ut supra naturam res videatur:  he ascribes this generosity, fury, or rather stupidity, to this adustion of choler and melancholy:  but I take these rather to be mad or desperate, than properly melancholy; for commonly this humour so adust and hot, degenerates into madness.

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If it come from melancholy itself adust, those men, saith Avicenna, [2574] “are usually sad and solitary, and that continually, and in excess, more than ordinarily suspicious more fearful, and have long, sore, and most corrupt imaginations;” cold and black, bashful, and so solitary, that as [2575]Arnoldus writes, “they will endure no company, they dream of graves still, and dead men, and think themselves bewitched or dead:”  if it be extreme, they think they hear hideous noises, see and talk [2576]"with black men, and converse familiarly with devils, and such strange chimeras and visions,” (Gordonius) or that they are possessed by them, that somebody talks to them, or within them. Tales melancholici plerumque daemoniaci, Montaltus consil. 26. ex Avicenna.  Valescus de Taranta had such a woman in cure, [2577]"that thought she had to do with the devil:”  and Gentilis Fulgosus quaest. 55. writes that he had a melancholy friend, that [2578] “had a black man in the likeness of a soldier” still following him wheresoever he was.  Laurentius cap. 7. hath many stories of such as have thought themselves bewitched by their enemies; and some that would eat no meat as being dead. [2579]_Anno_ 1550 an advocate of Paris fell into such a melancholy fit, that he believed verily he was dead, he could not be persuaded otherwise, or to eat or drink, till a kinsman of his, a scholar of Bourges, did eat before him dressed like a corse.  The story, saith Serres, was acted in a comedy before Charles the Ninth.  Some think they are beasts, wolves, hogs, and cry like dogs, foxes, bray like asses, and low like kine, as King Praetus’ daughters. [2580]Hildesheim spicel. 2. de mania, hath an example of a Dutch baron so affected, and Trincavelius lib. 1. consil. 11. another of a nobleman in his country, [2581]"that thought he was certainly a beast, and would imitate most of their voices,” with many such symptoms, which may properly be reduced to this kind.

If it proceed from the several combinations of these four humours, or spirits, Herc. de Saxon. adds hot, cold, dry, moist, dark, confused, settled, constringed, as it participates of matter, or is without matter, the symptoms are likewise mixed.  One thinks himself a giant, another a dwarf.  One is heavy as lead, another is as light as a feather.  Marcellus Donatus l. 2. cap. 41. makes mention out of Seneca, of one Seneccio, a rich man, [2582]"that thought himself and everything else he had, great:  great wife, great horses, could not abide little things, but would have great pots to drink in, great hose, and great shoes bigger than his feet.”  Like her in [2583]Trallianus, that supposed she “could shake all the world with her finger,” and was afraid to clinch her hand together, lest she should crush the world like an apple in pieces:  or him in Galen, that thought he was [2584]Atlas, and sustained heaven with his shoulders.  Another thinks himself so little, that he can creep into a mouse-hole:  one

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Symptoms from Education, Custom, continuance of Time, our Condition, mixed with other Diseases, by Fits, Inclination, &c.

Another great occasion of the variety of these symptoms proceeds from custom, discipline, education, and several inclinations, [2590]"this humour will imprint in melancholy men the objects most answerable to their condition of life, and ordinary actions, and dispose men according to their several studies and callings.”  If an ambitious man become melancholy, he forthwith thinks he is a king, an emperor, a monarch, and walks alone, pleasing himself with a vain hope of some future preferment, or present as he supposeth, and withal acts a lord’s part, takes upon him to be some statesman or magnifico, makes conges, gives entertainment, looks big, &c.  Francisco Sansovino records of a melancholy man in Cremona, that would not be induced to believe but that he was pope, gave pardons, made

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       “Pectore concipiet nil nisi triste suo;”

       “He will imagine naught save sadness in his heart;”

his countenance is altered on a sudden, his heart heavy, irksome thoughts crucify his soul, and in an instant he is moped or weary of his life, he will kill himself.  A fifth complains in his youth, a sixth in his middle age, the last in his old age.

Generally thus much we may conclude of melancholy; that it is [2604]most pleasant at first, I say, mentis gratissimus error, [2605]a most delightsome humour, to be alone, dwell alone, walk alone, meditate, lie in bed whole days, dreaming awake as it were, and frame a thousand fantastical imaginations unto themselves.  They are never better pleased than when they are so doing, they are in paradise for the time, and cannot well endure to be interrupt; with him in the poet, [2606]_pol me occidistis amici, non servastis ait_? you have undone him, he complains, if you trouble him:  tell him what inconvenience will follow, what will be the event, all is one, canis ad vomitum, [2607]’tis so pleasant he cannot refrain.  He may thus continue peradventure many years by reason of a strong temperature, or some mixture of business,

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To discern all which symptoms the better, [2610]Rhasis the Arabian makes three degrees of them.  The first is, falsa cogitatio, false conceits and idle thoughts:  to misconstrue and amplify, aggravating everything they conceive or fear; the second is, falso cogitata loqui, to talk to themselves, or to use inarticulate incondite voices, speeches, obsolete gestures, and plainly to utter their minds and conceits of their hearts, by their words and actions, as to laugh, weep, to be silent, not to sleep, eat their meat, &c.:  the third is to put in practice [2611]that which they think or speak.  Savanarola, Rub. 11. tract. 8. cap. 1. de aegritudine, confirms as much, [2612]"when he begins to express that in words, which he conceives in his heart, or talks idly, or goes from one thing to another,” which [2613]Gordonius calls nec caput habentia, nec caudam, ("having neither head nor tail,”) he is in the middle way:  [2614] “but when he begins to act it likewise, and to put his fopperies in execution, he is then in the extent of melancholy, or madness itself.”  This progress of melancholy you shall easily observe in them that have been so affected, they go smiling to themselves at first, at length they laugh out; at first solitary, at last they can endure no company:  or if they do, they are now dizzards, past sense and shame, quite moped, they care not what they say or do, all their actions, words, gestures, are furious or ridiculous.  At first his mind is troubled, he doth not attend what is said, if you tell him a tale, he cries at last, what said you? but in the end he mutters to himself, as old women do many times, or old men when they sit alone, upon a sudden they laugh, whoop, halloo, or run away, and swear they see or hear players, [2615]devils, hobgoblins,

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Who can sufficiently speak of these symptoms, or prescribe rules to comprehend them? as Echo to the painter in Ausonius, vane quid affectas, &c., foolish fellow; what wilt? if you must needs paint me, paint a voice, et similem si vis pingere, pinge sonum; if you will describe melancholy, describe a fantastical conceit, a corrupt imagination, vain thoughts and different, which who can do?  The four and twenty letters make no more variety of words in diverse languages, than melancholy conceits produce diversity of symptoms in several persons.  They are irregular, obscure, various, so infinite, Proteus himself is not so diverse, you may as well make the moon a new coat, as a true character of a melancholy man; as soon find the motion of a bird in the air, as the heart of man, a melancholy man.  They are so confused, I say, diverse, intermixed with other diseases.  As the species be confounded (which [2620]I have showed) so are the symptoms; sometimes with headache, cachexia, dropsy, stone; as you may perceive by those several examples and illustrations, collected by [2621] Hildesheim spicel. 2. Mercurialis consil. 118. cap. 6 and 11. with headache, epilepsy, priapismus.  Trincavelius consil. 12. lib. 1. consil. 49. with gout:  caninus appetitus.  Montanus consil. 26, &c. 23, 234, 249, with falling-sickness, headache, vertigo, lycanthropia, &c.  J. Caesar Claudinus consult. 4. consult. 89 and 116. with gout, agues, haemorrhoids, stone, &c., who can distinguish these melancholy symptoms so intermixed with others, or apply them to their several kinds, confine them into method?  ’Tis hard I confess, yet I have disposed of them as I could, and will descend to particularise them according to their species.  For hitherto I have expatiated in more general lists or terms, speaking promiscuously of such ordinary signs, which occur amongst writers.  Not that they are all to be found in one man, for that were to paint a monster or chimera, not a man:  but some in one, some in another, and that successively or at several times.

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Which I have been the more curious to express and report; not to upbraid any miserable man, or by way of derision, (I rather pity them,) but the better to discern, to apply remedies unto them; and to show that the best and soundest of us all is in great danger; how much we ought to fear our own fickle estates, remember our miseries and vanities, examine and humiliate ourselves, seek to God, and call to Him for mercy, that needs not look for any rods to scourge ourselves, since we carry them in our bowels, and that our souls are in a miserable captivity, if the light of grace and heavenly truth doth not shine continually upon us:  and by our discretion to moderate ourselves, to be more circumspect and wary in the midst of these dangers.

MEMB.  II.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Symptoms of Head-Melancholy.

“If [2622]no symptoms appear about the stomach, nor the blood be misaffected, and fear and sorrow continue, it is to be thought the brain itself is troubled, by reason of a melancholy juice bred in it, or otherwise conveyed into it, and that evil juice is from the distemperature of the part, or left after some inflammation,” thus far Piso.  But this is not always true, for blood and hypochondries both are often affected even in head-melancholy. [2623]Hercules de Saxonia differs here from the common current of writers, putting peculiar signs of head-melancholy, from the sole distemperature of spirits in the brain, as they are hot, cold, dry, moist, “all without matter from the motion alone, and tenebrosity of spirits;” of melancholy which proceeds from humours by adustion, he treats apart, with their several symptoms and cures.  The common signs, if it be by essence in the head, “are ruddiness of face, high sanguine complexion, most part rubore saturato,” [2624]one calls it, a bluish, and sometimes full of pimples, with red eyes.  Avicenna l. 3, Fen. 2, Tract. 4, c. 18. Duretus and others out of Galen, de affect. l. 3, c. 6. [2625]Hercules de Saxonia to this of redness of face, adds “heaviness of the head, fixed and hollow eyes.” [2626]"If it proceed from dryness of the brain, then their heads will be light, vertiginous, and they most apt to wake, and to continue whole months together without sleep.  Few excrements in their eyes and nostrils, and often bald by reason of excess of dryness,” Montaltus adds, c. 17. If it proceed from moisture:  dullness, drowsiness, headache follows; and as Salust.  Salvianus, c. 1, l. 2, out of his own experience found, epileptical, with a multitude of humours in the head.  They are very bashful, if ruddy, apt to blush, and to be red upon all occasions, praesertim si metus accesserit.  But the chiefest symptom to discern this species, as I have said, is this, that there be no notable signs in the stomach, hypochondries, or elsewhere, digna, as [2627] Montaltus terms them, or of greater note, because oftentimes the passions

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SUBSECT.  II.—­Symptoms of windy Hypochondriacal Melancholy.

“In this hypochondriacal or flatuous melancholy, the symptoms are so ambiguous,” saith [2633]Crato in a counsel of his for a noblewoman, “that the most exquisite physicians cannot determine of the part affected.”  Matthew Flaccius, consulted about a noble matron, confessed as much, that in this malady he with Hollerius, Fracastorius, Falopius, and others, being to give their sentence of a party labouring of hypochondriacal melancholy, could not find out by the symptoms which part was most especially affected; some said the womb, some heart, some stomach, &c., and therefore Crato, consil. 24. lib. 1. boldly avers, that in this diversity of symptoms, which commonly accompany this disease, [2634]"no physician can truly say what part is affected.”  Galen lib. 3. de loc. affect., reckons up these ordinary symptoms, which all the Neoterics repeat of Diocles; only this fault he finds with him, that he puts not fear and sorrow amongst the other signs.  Trincavelius

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SUBSECT.  III.—­Symptoms of Melancholy abounding in the whole body.

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Their bodies that are affected with this universal melancholy are most part black, [2644]"the melancholy juice is redundant all over,” hirsute they are, and lean, they have broad veins, their blood is gross and thick [2645] “Their spleen is weak,” and a liver apt to engender the humour; they have kept bad diet, or have had some evacuation stopped, as haemorrhoids, or months in women, which [2646]Trallianus, in the cure, would have carefully to be inquired, and withal to observe of what complexion the party is of, black or red.  For as Forrestus and Hollerius contend, if [2647]they be black, it proceeds from abundance of natural melancholy; if it proceed from cares, agony, discontents, diet, exercise, &c., they may be as well of any other colour:  red, yellow, pale, as black, and yet their whole blood corrupt:  praerubri colore saepe sunt tales, saepe flavi, (saith [2648] Montaltus cap. 22.) The best way to discern this species, is to let them bleed, if the blood be corrupt, thick and black, and they withal free from those hypochondriacal symptoms, and not so grievously troubled with them, or those of the head, it argues they are melancholy, a toto corpore.  The fumes which arise from this corrupt blood, disturb the mind, and make them fearful and sorrowful, heavy hearted, as the rest, dejected, discontented, solitary, silent, weary of their lives, dull and heavy, or merry, &c., and if far gone, that which Apuleius wished to his enemy, by way of imprecation, is true in them; [2649]"Dead men’s bones, hobgoblins, ghosts are ever in their minds, and meet them still in every turn:  all the bugbears of the night, and terrors, fairy-babes of tombs, and graves are before their eyes, and in their thoughts, as to women and children, if they be in the dark alone.”  If they hear, or read, or see any tragical object, it sticks by them, they are afraid of death, and yet weary of their lives, in their discontented humours they quarrel with all the world, bitterly inveigh, tax satirically, and because they cannot otherwise vent their passions or redress what is amiss, as they mean, they will by violent death at last be revenged on themselves.

SUBSECT.  IV.—­Symptoms of Maids, Nuns, and Widows’ Melancholy.

Because Lodovicus Mercatus in his second book de mulier. affect. cap. 4. and Rodericus a Castro de morb. mulier. cap. 3. lib. 2. two famous physicians in Spain, Daniel Sennertus of Wittenberg lib. 1. part 2. cap. 13. with others, have vouchsafed in their works not long since published, to write two just treatises de Melancholia virginum, Monialium et Viduarum, as a particular species of melancholy (which I have already specified) distinct from the rest; [2650](for it much differs from that which commonly befalls men and other women, as having one only cause proper to women alone) I may not omit in this general survey of melancholy symptoms, to set down the particular signs of such parties so misaffected.

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The causes are assigned out of Hippocrates, Cleopatra, Moschion, and those old Gynaeciorum Scriptores, of this feral malady, in more ancient maids, widows, and barren women, ob septum transversum violatum, saith Mercatus, by reason of the midriff or Diaphragma, heart and brain offended with those vicious vapours which come from menstruous blood, inflammationem arteriae circa dorsum, Rodericus adds, an inflammation of the back, which with the rest is offended by [2651]that fuliginous exhalation of corrupt seed, troubling the brain, heart and mind; the brain, I say, not in essence, but by consent, Universa enim hujus affectus causa ab utero pendet, et a sanguinis menstrui malitia, for in a word, the whole malady proceeds from that inflammation, putridity, black smoky vapours, &c., from thence comes care, sorrow, and anxiety, obfuscation of spirits, agony, desperation, and the like, which are intended or remitted; si amatorius accesserit ardor, or any other violent object or perturbation of mind.  This melancholy may happen to widows, with much care and sorrow, as frequently it doth, by reason of a sudden alteration of their accustomed course of life, &c.  To such as lie in childbed ob suppressam purgationem; but to nuns and more ancient maids, and some barren women for the causes abovesaid, ’tis more familiar, crebrius his quam reliquis accidit, inquit Rodericus, the rest are not altogether excluded.

Out of these causes Rodericus defines it with Areteus, to be angorem animi, a vexation of the mind, a sudden sorrow from a small, light, or no occasion, [2652]with a kind of still dotage and grief of some part or other, head, heart, breasts, sides, back, belly, &c., with much solitariness, weeping, distraction, &c., from which they are sometimes suddenly delivered, because it comes and goes by fits, and is not so permanent as other melancholy.

But to leave this brief description, the most ordinary symptoms be these, pulsatio juxta dorsum, a beating about the back, which is almost perpetual, the skin is many times rough, squalid, especially, as Areteus observes, about the arms, knees, and knuckles.  The midriff and heart-strings do burn and beat very fearfully, and when this vapour or fume is stirred, flieth upward, the heart itself beats, is sore grieved, and faints, fauces siccitate praecluduntur, ut difficulter possit ab uteri strangulatione decerni, like fits of the mother, Alvus plerisque nil reddit, aliis exiguum, acre, biliosum, lotium flavum.  They complain many times, saith Mercatus, of a great pain in their heads, about their hearts, and hypochondries, and so likewise in their breasts, which are often sore, sometimes ready to swoon, their faces are inflamed, and red, they are dry, thirsty, suddenly hot, much troubled with wind, cannot sleep, &c.  And from hence proceed ferina deliramenta, a brutish kind of dotage, troublesome sleep, terrible dreams

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Many other maladies there are incident to young women, out of that one and only cause above specified, many feral diseases.  I will not so much as mention their names, melancholy alone is the subject of my present discourse, from which I will not swerve.  The several cures of this infirmity, concerning diet, which must be very sparing, phlebotomy, physic, internal, external remedies, are at large in great variety in [2655] Rodericus a Castro, Sennertus, and Mercatus,

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And yet I must and will say something more, add a word or two in gratiam virginum et viduarum, in favour of all such distressed parties, in commiseration of their present estate.  And as I cannot choose but condole their mishap that labour of this infirmity, and are destitute of help in this case, so must I needs inveigh against them that are in fault, more than manifest causes, and as bitterly tax those tyrannising pseudopoliticians, superstitious orders, rash vows, hard-hearted parents, guardians, unnatural friends,

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[2659] “Illius viduae, aut patronum Virginis hujus,
        Ne me forte putes, verbum non amplius addam.”

MEMB.  III.
Immediate cause of these precedent Symptoms.

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To give some satisfaction to melancholy men that are troubled with these symptoms, a better means in my judgment cannot be taken, than to show them the causes whence they proceed; not from devils as they suppose, or that they are bewitched or forsaken of God, hear or see, &c. as many of them think, but from natural and inward causes, that so knowing them, they may better avoid the effects, or at least endure them with more patience.  The most grievous and common symptoms are fear and sorrow, and that without a cause to the wisest and discreetest men, in this malady not to be avoided.  The reason why they are so, Aetius discusseth at large, Tetrabib. 2. 2. in his first problem out of Galen, lib. 2. de causis sympt. 1. For Galen imputeth all to the cold that is black, and thinks that the spirits being darkened, and the substance of the brain cloudy and dark, all the objects thereof appear terrible, and the [2660]mind itself, by those dark, obscure, gross fumes, ascending from black humours, is in continual darkness, fear, and sorrow; divers terrible monstrous fictions in a thousand shapes and apparitions occur, with violent passions, by which the brain and fantasy are troubled and eclipsed. [2661]Fracastorius, lib. 2. de intellect, “will have cold to be the cause of fear and sorrow; for such as are cold are ill-disposed to mirth, dull, and heavy, by nature solitary, silent; and not for any inward darkness (as physicians think) for many melancholy men dare boldly be, continue, and walk in the dark, and delight in it:”  solum frigidi timidi:  if they be hot, they are merry; and the more hot, the more furious, and void of fear, as we see in madmen; but this reason holds not, for then no melancholy, proceeding from choler adust, should fear. [2662]Averroes scoffs at Galen for his reasons, and brings five arguments to repel them:  so doth Herc. de Saxonia, Tract. de Melanch. cap. 3. assigning other causes, which are copiously censured and confuted by Aelianus Montaltus, cap. 5 and 6. Lod.  Mercatus de Inter. morb. cur. lib. 1. cap. 17. Altomarus, cap. 7. de mel. Guianerius, tract. 15. c. 1. Bright cap. 37. Laurentius, cap. 5. Valesius, med. cont. lib. 5, con. 1. [2663]"Distemperature,” they conclude, “makes black juice, blackness obscures the spirits, the spirits obscured, cause fear and sorrow.”  Laurentius, cap. 13. supposeth these black fumes offend specially the diaphragma or midriff, and so per consequens the mind, which is obscured as [2664]the sun by a cloud.  To this opinion of Galen, almost all the Greeks and Arabians subscribe, the Latins new and old, internae, tenebrae offuscant animum, ut externae nocent pueris, as children are affrighted in the dark, so are melancholy men at all times, [2665]as having the inward cause with them, and still carrying it about.  Which black vapours, whether they proceed from the black blood about the heart, as T. W. Jes. thinks in his

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Suspicion follows fear and sorrow at heels, arising out of the same fountain, so thinks [2667]Fracastorius, “that fear is the cause of suspicion, and still they suspect some treachery, or some secret machination to be framed against them, still they distrust.”  Restlessness proceeds from the same spring, variety of fumes make them like and dislike.  Solitariness, avoiding of light, that they are weary of their lives, hate the world, arise from the same causes, for their spirits and humours are opposite to light, fear makes them avoid company, and absent themselves, lest they should be misused, hissed at, or overshoot themselves, which still they suspect.  They are prone to venery by reason of wind.  Angry, waspish, and fretting still, out of abundance of choler, which causeth fearful dreams and violent perturbations to them, both sleeping and waking:  That they suppose they have no heads, fly, sink, they are pots, glasses, &c. is wind in their heads. [2668]Herc. de Saxonia doth ascribe this to the several motions in the animal spirits, “their

Page 353

Why students and lovers are so often melancholy and mad, the philosopher of [2671]Conimbra assigns this reason, “because by a vehement and continual meditation of that wherewith they are affected, they fetch up the spirits into the brain, and with the heat brought with them, they incend it beyond measure:  and the cells of the inner senses dissolve their temperature, which being dissolved, they cannot perform their offices as they ought.”

Why melancholy men are witty, which Aristotle hath long since maintained in his problems; and that [2672]all learned men, famous philosophers, and lawgivers, ad unum fere omnes melancholici, have still been melancholy, is a problem much controverted.  Jason Pratensis will have it understood of natural melancholy, which opinion Melancthon inclines to, in his book de Anima, and Marcilius Ficinus de san. tuend. lib. 1. cap. 5. but not simple, for that makes men stupid, heavy, dull, being cold and dry, fearful, fools, and solitary, but mixed with the other humours, phlegm only excepted; and they not adust, [2673]but so mixed as that blood he half, with little or no adustion, that they be neither too hot nor too cold.  Aponensis, cited by Melancthon, thinks it proceeds from melancholy adust, excluding all natural melancholy as too cold.  Laurentius condemns his tenet, because adustion of humours makes men mad, as lime burns when water is cast on it.  It must be mixed with blood, and somewhat adust, and so that old aphorism of Aristotle may be verified, Nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura dementiae, no excellent wit without a mixture of madness.  Fracastorius shall decide the controversy, [2674]"phlegmatic are dull:  sanguine lively, pleasant, acceptable, and merry, but not witty; choleric are too swift in motion, and furious, impatient of contemplation, deceitful wits:  melancholy men have the most excellent wits, but not all; this humour may be hot or cold, thick, or thin; if too hot, they are furious and mad:  if too cold, dull, stupid, timorous, and sad:  if temperate, excellent, rather inclining to that extreme of heat, than cold.” 

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Weeping, sighing, laughing, itching, trembling, sweating, blushing, hearing and seeing strange noises, visions, wind, crudity, are motions of the body, depending upon these precedent motions of the mind:  neither are tears, affections, but actions (as Scaliger holds) [2675]"the voice of such as are afraid, trembles, because the heart is shaken” (Conimb. prob. 6. sec. 3. de som.) why they stutter or falter in their speech, Mercurialis and Montaltus, cap. 17. give like reasons out of Hippocrates, [2676]"dryness, which makes the nerves of the tongue torpid.”  Fast speaking (which is a symptom of some few) Aetius will have caused [2677] “from abundance of wind, and swiftness of imagination:”  [2678]"baldness comes from excess of dryness,” hirsuteness from a dry temperature.  The cause of much waking in a dry brain, continual meditation, discontent, fears and cares, that suffer not the mind to be at rest, incontinency is from wind, and a hot liver, Montanus, cons. 26. Rumbling in the guts is caused from wind, and wind from ill concoction, weakness of natural heat, or a distempered heat and cold; [2679]Palpitation of the heart from vapours, heaviness and aching from the same cause.  That the belly is hard, wind is a cause, and of that leaping in many parts.  Redness of the face, and itching, as if they were flea-bitten, or stung with pismires, from a sharp subtle wind. [2680]Cold sweat from vapours arising from the hypochondries, which pitch upon the skin; leanness for want of good nourishment.  Why their appetite is so great, [2681]Aetius answers:  Os ventris frigescit, cold in those inner parts, cold belly, and hot liver, causeth crudity, and intention proceeds from perturbations, [2682]our souls for want of spirits cannot attend exactly to so many intentive operations, being exhaust, and overswayed by passion, she cannot consider the reasons which may dissuade her from such affections.

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[2683]Bashfulness and blushing, is a passion proper to men alone, and is not only caused for [2684]some shame and ignominy, or that they are guilty unto themselves of some foul fact committed, but as [2685]Fracastorius well determines, ob defectum proprium, et timorem, “from fear, and a conceit of our defects; the face labours and is troubled at his presence that sees our defects, and nature willing to help, sends thither heat, heat draws the subtlest blood, and so we blush.  They that are bold, arrogant, and careless, seldom or never blush, but such as are fearful.”  Anthonius Lodovicus, in his book de pudore, will have this subtle blood to arise in the face, not so much for the reverence of our betters in presence, [2686]"but for joy and pleasure, or if anything at unawares shall pass from us, a sudden accident, occurse, or meeting:”  (which Disarius in [2687] Macrobius confirms) any object heard or seen, for blind men never blush, as Dandinus observes, the night and darkness make men impudent.  Or that we be staid before our betters, or in company we like not, or if anything molest and offend us, erubescentia turns to rubor, blushing to a continuate redness. [2688]Sometimes the extremity of the ears tingle, and are red, sometimes the whole face, Etsi nihil vitiosum commiseris, as Lodovicus holds:  though Aristotle is of opinion, omnis pudor ex vitio commisso, all shame for some offence.  But we find otherwise, it may as well proceed [2689]from fear, from force and inexperience, (so [2690]Dandinus holds) as vice; a hot liver, saith Duretus (notis in Hollerium:) “from a hot brain, from wind, the lungs heated, or after drinking of wine, strong drink, perturbations,” &c.

Laughter what it is, saith [2691]Tully, “how caused, where, and so suddenly breaks out, that desirous to stay it, we cannot, how it comes to possess and stir our face, veins, eyes, countenance, mouth, sides, let Democritus determine.”  The cause that it often affects melancholy men so much, is given by Gomesius, lib. 3. de sale genial. cap. 18. abundance of pleasant vapours, which, in sanguine melancholy especially, break from the heart, [2692]"and tickle the midriff, because it is transverse and full of nerves:  by which titillation the sense being moved, and arteries distended, or pulled, the spirits from thence move and possess the sides, veins, countenance, eyes.”  See more in Jossius de risu et fletu, Vives 3 de Anima.  Tears, as Scaliger defines, proceed from grief and pity, [2693]"or from the heating of a moist brain, for a dry cannot weep.”

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That they see and hear so many phantasms, chimeras, noises, visions, &c. as Fienus hath discoursed at large in his book of imagination, and [2694] Lavater de spectris, part. 1. cap. 2. 3. 4. their corrupt phantasy makes them see and hear that which indeed is neither heard nor seen, Qui multum jejunant, aut noctes ducunt insomnes, they that much fast, or want sleep, as melancholy or sick men commonly do, see visions, or such as are weak-sighted, very timorous by nature, mad, distracted, or earnestly seek. Sabini quod volunt somniant, as the saying is, they dream of that they desire.  Like Sarmiento the Spaniard, who when he was sent to discover the straits of Magellan, and confine places, by the Prorex of Peru, standing on the top of a hill, Amaenissimam planitiem despicere sibi visus fuit, aedificia magnifica, quamplurimos Pagos, alias Turres, splendida Templa, and brave cities, built like ours in Europe, not, saith mine [2695]author, that there was any such thing, but that he was vanissimus et nimis credulus, and would fain have had it so.  Or as [2696]Lod.  Mercatus proves, by reason of inward vapours, and humours from blood, choler, &c. diversely mixed, they apprehend and see outwardly, as they suppose, divers images, which indeed are not.  As they that drink wine think all runs round, when it is in their own brain; so is it with these men, the fault and cause is inward, as Galen affirms, [2697]mad men and such as are near death, quas extra se videre putant Imagines, intra oculos habent, ’tis in their brain, which seems to be before them; the brain as a concave glass reflects solid bodies. Senes etiam decrepiti cerebrum habent concavum et aridum, ut imaginentur se videre (saith [2698]Boissardus) quae non sunt, old men are too frequently mistaken and dote in like case:  or as he that looketh through a piece of red glass, judgeth everything he sees to be red; corrupt vapours mounting from the body to the head, and distilling again from thence to the eyes, when they have mingled themselves with the watery crystal which receiveth the shadows of things to be seen, make all things appear of the same colour, which remains in the humour that overspreads our sight, as to melancholy men all is black, to phlegmatic all white, &c.  Or else as before the organs corrupt by a corrupt phantasy, as Lemnius, lib. 1. cap. 16. well quotes, [2699]"cause a great agitation of spirits, and humours, which wander to and fro in all the creeks of the brain, and cause such apparitions before their eyes.”  One thinks he reads something written in the moon, as Pythagoras is said to have done of old, another smells brimstone, hears Cerberus bark:  Orestes now mad supposed he saw the furies tormenting him, and his mother still ready to run upon him,

[2700] “O mater obsecro noli me persequi
        His furiis, aspectu anguineis, horribilibus,
        Ecce ecce me invadunt, in me jam ruunt;”

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but Electra told him thus raving in his mad fit, he saw no such sights at all, it was but his crazed imagination.

[2701] “Quiesce, quiesce miser in linteis tuis,
        Non cernis etenim quae videre te putas.”

So Pentheus (in Bacchis Euripidis) saw two suns, two Thebes, his brain alone was troubled.  Sickness is an ordinary cause of such sights.  Cardan, subtil. 8. Mens aegra laboribus et jejuniis fracta, facit eos videre, audire, &c.  And, Osiander beheld strange visions, and Alexander ab Alexandro both, in their sickness, which he relates de rerum varietat. lib. 8. cap. 44. Albategnius that noble Arabian, on his death-bed, saw a ship ascending and descending, which Fracastorius records of his friend Baptista Tirrianus.  Weak sight and a vain persuasion withal, may effect as much, and second causes concurring, as an oar in water makes a refraction, and seems bigger, bended double, &c.  The thickness of the air may cause such effects, or any object not well-discerned in the dark, fear and phantasy will suspect to be a ghost, a devil, &c. [2702]_Quod nimis miseri timent, hoc facile credunt_, we are apt to believe, and mistake in such cases.  Marcellus Donatus, lib. 2. cap. 1. brings in a story out of Aristotle, of one Antepharon which likely saw, wheresoever he was, his own image in the air, as in a glass.  Vitellio, lib. 10. perspect. hath such another instance of a familiar acquaintance of his, that after the want of three or four nights sleep, as he was riding by a river side, saw another riding with him, and using all such gestures as he did, but when more light appeared, it vanished.  Eremites and anchorites have frequently such absurd visions, revelations by reason of much fasting, and bad diet, many are deceived by legerdemain, as Scot hath well showed in his book of the discovery of witchcraft, and Cardan, subtil. 18. suffites, perfumes, suffumigations, mixed candles, perspective glasses, and such natural causes, make men look as if they were dead, or with horse-heads, bull’s-horns, and such like brutish shapes, the room full of snakes, adders, dark, light, green, red, of all colours, as you may perceive in Baptista Porta, Alexis, Albertus, and others, glow-worms, fire-drakes, meteors, Ignis fatuus, which Plinius, lib. 2. cap. 37. calls Castor and Pollux, with many such that appear in moorish grounds, about churchyards, moist valleys, or where battles have been fought, the causes of which read in Goclenius, Velouris, Fickius, &c. such fears are often done, to frighten children with squibs, rotten wood, &c. to make folks look as if they were dead, [2703]_solito majores_, bigger, lesser, fairer, fouler, ut astantes sine capitibus videantur; aut toti igniti, aut forma daemonum, accipe pilos canis nigri, &c. saith Albertus; and so ’tis ordinary to see strange uncouth sights by catoptrics:  who knows not that if in a dark room, the light be admitted at one only little hole, and a paper or glass

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So that the hearing is as frequently deluded as the sight, from the same causes almost, as he that hears bells, will make them sound what he list.  “As the fool thinketh, so the bell clinketh.”  Theophilus in Galen thought he heard music, from vapours which made his ears sound, &c.  Some are deceived by echoes, some by roaring of waters, or concaves and reverberation of air in the ground, hollow places and walls. [2707]At Cadurcum, in Aquitaine, words and sentences are repeated by a strange echo to the full, or whatsoever you shall play upon a musical instrument, more distinctly and louder, than they are spoken at first.  Some echoes repeat a thing spoken seven times, as at Olympus, in Macedonia, as Pliny relates, lib. 36. cap. 15. Some twelve times, as at Charenton, a village near Paris, in France.  At Delphos, in Greece, heretofore was a miraculous echo, and so in many other places.  Cardan, subtil. l. 18, hath wonderful stories of such as have been deluded by these echoes.  Blancanus the Jesuit, in his Echometria, hath variety of examples, and gives his reader full satisfaction of all such sounds by way of demonstration. [2708]At Barrey, an isle in the Severn mouth, they seem to hear a smith’s forge; so at Lipari, and those sulphureous isles, and many such like, which Olaus speaks of in the continent of Scandia, and those northern countries.  Cardan de rerum var. l. 15, c. 84, mentioneth a woman, that still supposed she heard the devil call her, and speaking to her, she was a painter’s wife in Milan:  and many such illusions and voices, which proceed most part from a corrupt imagination.

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Whence it comes to pass, that they prophesy, speak several languages, talk of astronomy, and other unknown sciences to them (of which they have been ever ignorant):  [2709]I have in brief touched, only this I will here add, that Arculanus, Bodin. lib. 3, cap. 6, daemon. and some others, [2710] hold as a manifest token that such persons are possessed with the devil; so doth [2711]Hercules de Saxonia, and Apponensis, and fit only to be cured by a priest.  But [2712]Guianerius, [2713]Montaltus, Pomporiatius of Padua, and Lemnius lib. 2. cap. 2, refer it wholly to the ill-disposition of the [2714]humour, and that out of the authority of Aristotle prob. 30. 1, because such symptoms are cured by purging; and as by the striking of a flint fire is enforced, so by the vehement motion of spirits, they do elicere voces inauditas, compel strange speeches to be spoken:  another argument he hath from Plato’s reminiscentia, which all out as likely as that which [2715]Marsilius Ficinus speaks of his friend Pierleonus; by a divine kind of infusion he understood the secrets of nature, and tenets of Grecian and barbarian philosophers, before ever he heard of, saw, or read their works:  but in this I should rather hold with Avicenna and his associates, that such symptoms proceed from evil spirits, which take all opportunities of humours decayed, or otherwise to pervert the soul of man:  and besides, the humour itself is balneum diaboli, the devil’s bath; and as Agrippa proves, doth entice him to seize upon them.

SECT.  IV.  MEMB.  I.
Prognostics of Melancholy.

Prognostics, or signs of things to come, are either good or bad.  If this malady be not hereditary, and taken at the beginning, there is good hope of cure, recens curationem non habet difficilem, saith Avicenna, l. 3, Fen. 1, Tract. 4, c. 18. That which is with laughter, of all others is most secure, gentle, and remiss, Hercules de Saxonia. [2716]"If that evacuation of haemorrhoids, or varices, which they call the water between the skin, shall happen to a melancholy man, his misery is ended,” Hippocrates Aphor. 6, 11. Galen l. 6, de morbis vulgar. com. 8, confirms the same; and to this aphorism of Hippocrates, all the Arabians, new and old Latins subscribe; Montaltus c. 25, Hercules de Saxonia, Mercurialis, Vittorius Faventinus, &c.  Skenkius, l. 1, observat. med. c. de Mania, illustrates this aphorism, with an example of one Daniel Federer a coppersmith that was long melancholy, and in the end mad about the 27th year of his age, these varices or water began to arise in his thighs, and he was freed from his madness.  Marius the Roman was so cured, some, say, though with great pain.  Skenkius hath some other instances of women that have been helped by flowing of their mouths, which before were stopped.  That the opening of the haemorrhoids will do as much for men, all physicians

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Evil prognostics on the other part. Inveterata melancholia incurabilis, if it be inveterate, it is [2719]incurable, a common axiom, aut difficulter curabilis as they say that make the best, hardly cured.  This Galen witnesseth, l. 3, de loc. affect. cap. 6, [2720]"be it in whom it will, or from what cause soever, it is ever long, wayward, tedious, and hard to be cured, if once it be habituated.”  As Lucian said of the gout, she was [2721]"the queen of diseases, and inexorable,” may we say of melancholy.  Yet Paracelsus will have all diseases whatsoever curable, and laughs at them which think otherwise, as T. Erastus par. 3, objects to him; although in another place, hereditary diseases he accounts incurable, and by no art to be removed. [2722]Hildesheim spicel. 2, de mel. holds it less dangerous if only [2723]"imagination be hurt, and not reason,” [2724]"the gentlest is from blood.  Worse from choler adust, but the worst of all from melancholy putrefied.” [2725]Bruel esteems hypochondriacal least dangerous, and the other two species (opposite to Galen) hardest to be cured. [2726]The cure is hard in man, but much more difficult in women.  And both men and women must take notice of that saying of Montanus consil. 230, pro Abate Italo, [2727]"This malady doth commonly accompany them to their grave; physicians may ease, and it may lie hid for a time, but they cannot quite cure it, but it will return again more violent and sharp than at first, and that upon every small occasion or error:”  as in Mercury’s weather-beaten statue, that was once all over gilt, the open parts were clean, yet there was in fimbriis aurum, in the chinks a remnant of gold:  there will be some relics of melancholy left in the purest bodies (if once tainted) not so easily to be rooted out. [2728] Oftentimes it degenerates into epilepsy, apoplexy, convulsions, and blindness:  by the authority of Hippocrates and Galen, [2729]all aver, if once it possess the ventricles of the brain, Frambesarius, and Salust.  Salvianus adds, if it get into the optic nerves, blindness.  Mercurialis, consil. 20, had a woman to his

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[2735]Seldom this malady procures death, except (which is the greatest, most grievous calamity, and the misery of all miseries,) they make away themselves, which is a frequent thing, and familiar amongst them.  ’Tis [2736]Hippocrates’ observation, Galen’s sentence, Etsi mortem timent, tamen plerumque sibi ipsis mortem consciscunt, l. 3. de locis affec. cap. 7. The doom of all physicians.  ‘Tis [2737]Rabbi Moses’ Aphorism, the prognosticon of Avicenna, Rhasis, Aetius, Gordonius, Valescus, Altomarus, Salust.  Salvianus, Capivaccius, Mercatus, Hercules de Saxonia, Piso, Bruel, Fuchsius, all, &c.

[2738] “Et saepe usque adeo mortis formidine vitae
        Percipit infelix odium lucisque videndae,
        Ut sibi consciscat maerenti pectore lethum.”

       “And so far forth death’s terror doth affright,
        He makes away himself, and hates the light
        To make an end of fear and grief of heart,
        He voluntary dies to ease his smart.”

In such sort doth the torture and extremity of his misery torment him, that he can take no pleasure in his life, but is in a manner enforced to offer violence unto himself, to be freed from his present insufferable pains.  So some (saith [2739]Fracastorius) “in fury, but most in despair, sorrow, fear, and out of the anguish and vexation of their souls, offer violence to themselves:  for their life is unhappy and miserable.  They can take no rest in the night, nor sleep, or if they do slumber, fearful dreams astonish them.”  In the daytime they are affrighted still by some terrible object, and torn in pieces with suspicion, fear, sorrow, discontents, cares, shame, anguish, &c. as so many wild horses, that they cannot be quiet an hour, a minute of time, but even against their wills they are intent, and still thinking of it, they cannot forget it, it grinds their souls day and night, they are perpetually tormented, a burden to themselves, as Job was, they can neither eat, drink or sleep.  Psal. cvii. 18.  “Their soul abhorreth all meat, and they are brought to death’s door, [2740]being bound in misery and iron:”  they [2741]curse their stars with Job, [2742]"and day

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       “For that deep torture may be call’d an hell,
        When more is felt, than one hath power to tell.”

Yea, that which scoffing Lucian said of the gout in jest, I may truly affirm of melancholy in earnest.

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[2750] “O triste nomen! o diis odibile
        Melancholia lacrymosa, Cocyti filia,
        Tu Tartari specubus opacis edita
        Erinnys, utero quam Megara suo tulit,
        Et ab uberibus aluit, cuique parvidae
        Amarulentum in os lac Alecto dedit,
        Omnes abominabilem te daemones
        Produxere in lucem, exitio mortalium. Et paulo post
        Non Jupiter ferit tale telum fulminis,
        Non ulla sic procella saevit aequoris,
        Non impetuosi tanta vis est turbinis. 
        An asperos sustineo morsus Cerberi? 
        Num virus Echidnae membra mea depascitur? 
        Aut tunica sanie tincta Nessi sanguinis? 
        Illacrymabile et immedicabile malum hoc.”

       “O sad and odious name! a name so fell,
        Is this of melancholy, brat of hell. 
        There born in hellish darkness doth it dwell,
        The Furies brought it up, Megara’s teat,
        Alecto gave it bitter milk to eat. 
        And all conspir’d a bane to mortal men,
        To bring this devil out of that black den. 
        Jupiter’s thunderbolt, not storm at sea,
        Nor whirlwind doth our hearts so much dismay. 
        What? am I bit by that fierce Cerberus? 
        Or stung by [2751]serpent so pestiferous? 
        Or put on shirt that’s dipt in Nessus’ blood? 
        My pain’s past cure; physic can do no good.”

No torture of body like unto it, Siculi non invenere tyranni majus tormentum, no strappadoes, hot irons, Phalaris’ bulls,

[2752] “Nec ira deum tantum, nec tela, nec hostis,
        Quantum sola noces animis illapsa.”

       “Jove’s wrath, nor devils can
        Do so much harm to th’ soul of man.”

All fears, griefs, suspicions, discontents, imbonites, insuavities are swallowed up, and drowned in this Euripus, this Irish sea, this ocean of misery, as so many small brooks; ’tis coagulum omnium aerumnarum:  which [2753]Ammianus applied to his distressed Palladins.  I say of our melancholy man, he is the cream of human adversity, the [2754] quintessence, and upshot; all other diseases whatsoever, are but flea-bitings to melancholy in extent:  ’Tis the pith of them all, [2755] Hospitium est calamitatis; quid verbis opus est?

       “Quamcunque malam rem quaeris, illic reperies:” 

       “What need more words? ’tis calamities inn,
        Where seek for any mischief, ’tis within;”

and a melancholy man is that true Prometheus, which is bound to Caucasus; the true Titius, whose bowels are still by a vulture devoured (as poets feign) for so doth [2756]Lilius Geraldus interpret it, of anxieties, and those griping cares, and so ought it to be understood.  In all other maladies, we seek for help, if a leg or an arm ache, through any distemperature or wound, or that we have an ordinary disease, above all things

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Another doubt is made by some philosophers, whether it be lawful for a man in such extremity of pain and grief, to make away himself:  and how these men that so do are to be censured.  The Platonists approve of it, that it is lawful in such cases, and upon a necessity; Plotinus l. de beatitud. c. 7. and Socrates himself defends it, in Plato’s Phaedon, “if any man labour of an incurable disease, he may despatch himself, if it be to his good.”  Epicurus and his followers, the cynics and stoics in general affirm it, Epictetus and [2761]Seneca amongst the rest, quamcunque veram esse viam ad libertatem, any way is allowable that leads to liberty, [2762]"let us give God thanks, that no man is compelled to live against his will;” [2763] quid ad hominem claustra, career, custodia? liberum ostium habet, death is always ready and at hand. Vides illum praecipitem locum, illud flumen, dost thou see that steep place, that river, that pit, that tree, there’s liberty at hand, effugia servitutis et doloris sunt, as that Laconian lad cast himself headlong (non serviam aiebat puer) to be freed of his misery:  every vein in thy body, if these be nimis operosi exitus, will set thee free, quid tua refert finem facias an accipias? there’s no necessity for a man to live in misery. Malum est necessitati vivere; sed in necessitate vivere, necessitas nulla est.  Ignavus qui sine causa moritur, et stultus qui cum dolore vivit. Idem

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[2778] “Jamque vale Soli cum diceret Ambrociotes,
          In Stygios fertur desiluisse lacus,
        Morte nihil dignum passus:  sed forte Platonis
          Divini eximum de nece legit opus.”

[2779]Calenus and his Indians hated of old to die a natural death:  the Circumcellians and Donatists, loathing life, compelled others to make them away, with many such:  [2780]but these are false and pagan positions, profane stoical paradoxes, wicked examples, it boots not what heathen philosophers determine in this kind, they are impious, abominable, and upon a wrong ground.  “No evil is to be done that good may come of it;” reclamat Christus, reclamat Scriptura, God, and all good men are [2781]against it:  He that stabs another, can kill his body; but he that stabs himself, kills his own soul. [2782]_Male meretur, qui dat mendico, quod edat_; nam et illud quod dat, perit; et illi producit vitam ad miseriam:  he that gives a beggar an alms (as that comical poet said) doth ill, because he doth but prolong his miseries.  But Lactantius l. 6. c. 7. de vero cultu, calls it a detestable opinion, and fully confutes it, lib. 3. de sap. cap. 18. and S. Austin, epist. 52. ad Macedonium, cap. 61. ad Dulcitium Tribunum:  so doth Hierom to Marcella of Blesilla’s death, Non recipio tales animas, &c., he calls such men martyres stultae Philosophiae:  so doth Cyprian de duplici martyrio; Si qui sic moriantur, aut infirmitas, aut ambitio, aut dementia cogit eos; ’tis mere madness so to do, [2783]_furore est ne moriare mori_.  To this effect writes Arist. 3.  Ethic. Lipsius Manuduc. ad Stoicam Philosophiaem lib. 3. dissertat. 23. but it needs no confutation.  This only let me add, that in some cases, those [2784]hard censures of such as offer violence to their own persons, or in some desperate fit to others, which sometimes they do, by stabbing, slashing, &c. are to be mitigated, as in such as are mad, beside themselves for the time, or found to have been long melancholy, and that in extremity, they know not what they do, deprived of reason, judgment, all, [2785]as a ship that is void of a pilot, must needs impinge upon the next rock or sands, and suffer shipwreck. [2786]P.  Forestus hath a story of two melancholy brethren, that made away themselves, and for so foul a fact, were accordingly censured to be infamously buried, as in such cases they use:  to terrify others, as it did the Milesian virgins of old; but upon farther examination of their misery and madness, the censure was [2787]revoked, and they were solemnly interred, as Saul was by David, 2 Sam. ii. 4. and Seneca well adviseth, Irascere interfectori, sed miserere interfecti; be justly offended with him as he was a murderer, but pity him now as a dead man.  Thus of their goods and bodies we can dispose; but what shall become of their souls, God alone can tell; his mercy may come inter pontem et fontem, inter gladium et jugulum, betwixt the bridge and the brook, the knife and the throat. Quod cuiquam contigit, quivis potest:  Who knows how he may be tempted?  It is his case, it may be thine:  [2788]_Quae sua sors hodie est, eras fore vestra potest._ We ought not to be so rash and rigorous in our censures, as some are; charity will judge and hope the best:  God be merciful unto us all.

Page 368

THE SYNOPSIS OF THE SECOND PARTITION.

Cure of melancholy is either

Sect 1. General to all, which contains

Unlawful means forbidden,

Memb. 1. From the devil, magicians, witches, &c., by charms,
spells, incantations, &c.

Quest. 1. Whether they can cure this, or other such like
diseases?
Quest. 2. Whether, if they can so cure, it be lawful to
seek to them for help?

or Lawful means, which are

Memb. 2. Immediately from God, a Jove principium by prayer
&c.
Memb. 3.  Quest. 1. Whether saints and their relics can help
this infirmity?
Quest. 2. Whether it be lawful to sue to them for aid.

or Memb. 4. Mediately by Nature which concerns and works by
Subsect. 1. Physician, in whom is required science,
confidence, honesty, &c.
Subsect. 2. Patient, in whom is required obedience,
constancy, willingness, patience, confidence, bounty, &c.,
not to practise on himself.
Subsect. 3. Physic, which consists of
Dietetical [Symbol:  Aries]
Pharmaceutical [Symbol:  Taurus]
Chirurgical [Symbol:  Gemini]

or Particular to the three distinct species, [Symbol:  Cancer] [Symbol: 
Leo] [Symbol:  Virgo]

[Symbol:  Aries] Sect. 2. Dietetical, which consists in reforming those six non-natural things, as in

Diet rectified 1.  Memb.

Matter and quality 1 Subs.
Such meats as are easy of digestion, well-dressed, hot, sod, &c.,
young, moist, of good nourishment, &c. 
Bread of pure wheat, well-baked. 
Water clear from the fountain. 
Wine and drink not too strong, &c. 
Flesh
Mountain birds, partridge, pheasant, quails, &c.  Hen, capon,
mutton, veal, kid, rabbit, &c. 
Fish
That live in gravelly waters, as pike, perch, trout,
sea-fish, solid, white, &c. 
Herbs
Borage, bugloss, balm, succory, endive, violets, in broth,
not raw, &c. 
Fruits and roots. 
Raisins of the sun, apples corrected for wind, oranges, &c.,
parsnips, potatoes, &c.

or Subs. 2. Quantity. 
At seasonable and unusual times of repast, in good order, not
before the first be concocted, sparing, not overmuch of one
dish.

Memb. 2. Rectification of retention and evacuation, as costiveness,
venery, bleeding at nose, months stopped, baths, &c.

Memb. 3. Air rectified, with a digression of the air
Naturally in the choice and site of our country, dwelling-place, to
be hot and moist, light, wholesome, pleasant &c. 
Artificially, by often change of air, avoiding winds, fogs, tempests,
opening windows, perfumes, &c.

  Memb. 4. Exercise
      Of body and mind, but moderate, as hawking, hunting, riding,
        shooting, bowling, fishing, fowling, walking in fair fields,
        galleries, tennis, bar. 
      Of mind, as chess, cards, tables &c., to see plays, masks, &c.,
        serious studies, business, all honest recreations.

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  Memb. 5. Rectification of waking and terrible dreams, &c.

  Memb. 6. Rectification of passions and perturbations of the mind.
    [Symbol:  Libra]

Memb. 6. Passions and perturbations of the mind rectified.

  From himself
      Subsect. 1. By using all good means of help, confessing to a
        friend, &c. 
      Avoiding all occasions of his infirmity. 
      Not giving way to passions, but resisting to his utmost.

or from his friends.
Subsect. 2. By fair and foul means, counsel, comfort, good
persuasion, witty devices, fictions, and, if it be possible, to
satisfy his mind.
Subsect. 3. Music of all sorts aptly applied.
Subsect. 4. Mirth and merry company.
Sect. 3. A consolatory digression, containing remedies to all
discontents and passions of the mind.
Memb. 1. General discontents and grievances satisfied.
Memb. 2. Particular discontents, as deformity of body,
sickness, baseness of birth, &c.
Memb. 3. Poverty and want, such calamites and adversities.
Memb. 4. Against servitude, loss of liberty, imprisonment,
banishment, &c.
Memb. 5. Against vain fears, sorrows for death of friends, or
otherwise.
Memb. 6. Against envy, livor, hatred, malice, emulation,
ambition, and self-love, &c.
Memb. 7. Against repulses, abuses, injuries, contempts,
disgraces, contumelies, slanders, and scoffs, &c.
Memb. 8. Against all other grievous and ordinary symptoms of
this disease of melancholy.

[Symbol:  Taurus] Sect. 4. Pharmaceutics, or Physic which cureth with medicines, with a digression of this kind of physic, is either Memb. 1.  Subsect. 1.

General to all

Alterative

Simples altering melancholy, with a digression of exotic simples
2.  Subs.
Herbs. 3.  Subs.
To the heart; borage, bugloss, scorzonera, &c. 
To the head; balm, hops, nenuphar, &c. 
Liver; eupatory, artemisia, &c. 
Stomach; wormwood, centaury, pennyroyal. 
Spleen; ceterache, ash, tamarisk. 
To Purify the blood; endive, succory, &c. 
Against wind; origan, fennel, aniseed, &c.

4.  Subs Precious stones; as smaragdes, chelidonies, &c. 
Minerals;

or compounds altering melancholy, with a digression of compounds.
5.  Subs.

Inwardly taken

Liquid
fluid
Wines; as of hellebore, bugloss, tamarisk, &c. 
Syrups of borage, bugloss, hops, epithyme,
endive, succory, &c.
or consisting. 
Conserves of violets, maidenhair, borage,
bugloss, roses, &c. 
Confections; treacle, mithridate, eclegms or
linctures.

or solid, as those aromatical confections.
hot
Diambra, dianthos. 
Diamargaritum calidum. 
Diamoscum dulce. 
Electuarium de gemmis. 
Laetificans Galeni et Rhasis.
or cold
Diamargaritum frigidum. 
Diarrhodon abbatis. 
Diacorolli, diacodium with their tables. 
Condites of all sorts, &c.

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or Outwardly used, as
Oils of camomile, violets, roses, &c. 
Ointments, alablastritum, populeum, &c. 
Liniments, plasters, cerotes, cataplasms, frontals,
fomentations, epithymes, sacks, bags, odoraments,
posies, &c.

or Purging [Symbol:  Moon-3/4]

or Particular to three distinct species, [Symbol:  Cancer] [Symbol:  Leo]
[Symbol:  Virgo].

Medicines purging melancholy are either Memb. 2.

Simples purging melancholy

1.  Subs. Upward, as vomits
Asrabecca, laurel, white hellebore, scilla, or sea-onion,
antimony, tobacco
or Downward. 2.  Subs.
More gentle; as senna, epithyme, polypody, mirobalanes, fumitory,
&c. 
Stronger; aloes, lapis Armenus, lapis lazuli, black hellebore.

or 3.  Subs. Compounds purging melancholy

Superior parts
Mouth
swallowed
Liquid, as potions, juleps, syrups, wine of hellebore,
bugloss, &c. 
Solid, as lapis Armenus, and lazuli, pills of Indie,
pills of fumitory, &c. 
Electuaries, diasena, confection of hamech,
hierologladium, &c.
or Not swallowed, as gargarisms, masticatories, &c.
or Nostrils, sneezing powders, odoraments, perfumes, &c.

or Inferior parts, as clysters strong and weak, and suppositories of
Castilian soap, honey boiled, &c.

[Symbol:  Gemini] Chirurgical physic, which consists of Memb. 3.

Phlebotomy, to all parts almost, and all the distinct species. 
With knife, horseleeches. 
Cupping-glasses. 
Cauteries, and searing with hot irons, boring. 
Dropax and sinapismus. 
Issues to several parts, and upon several occasions.

[Symbol:  Cancer] Sect. 5. Cure of head-melancholy. Memb. 1.

  1.  Subsect. Moderate diet, meat of good juice, moistening, easy of
    digestion. 
  Good air. 
  Sleep more than ordinary. 
  Excrements daily to be voided by art or nature. 
  Exercise of body and mind not too violent, or too remiss, passions of the
    mind, and perturbations to be avoided.
  Subsect. 2. Bloodletting, if there be need, or that the blood be
    corrupt, in the arm, forehead, &c., or with cupping-glasses.
  Subsect. 3. Preparatives and purgers. 
      Preparatives; as syrup of borage, bugloss, epithyme, hops, with their
        distilled waters, &c. 
      Purgers; as Montanus, and Matthiolus helleborismus, Quercetanus,
        syrup of hellebore, extract of hellebore, pulvis Hali, antimony
        prepared, Rulandi aqua mirabilis; which are used, if gentler
        medicines will not take place, with Arnoldus, vinum buglossatum,
        senna, cassia, mirobalanes, aurum potabile, or before Hamech,
        Pil.  Indae, Hiera, Pil. de lap.  Armeno, lazuli.

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  Subsect. 4. Averters. 
      Cardan’s nettles, frictions, clysters, suppositories, sneezings,
        masticatories, nasals, cupping-glasses. 
      To open the haemorrhoids with horseleeches, to apply horseleeches to
        the forehead without scarification, to the shoulders, thighs. 
      Issues, boring, cauteries, hot irons in the suture of the crown.

  Subsect. 5. Cordials, resolvers, hinderers. 
      A cup of wine or strong drink. 
      Bezars stone, amber, spice. 
      Conserves of borage, bugloss, roses, fumitory. 
      Confection of Alchermes.
      Electuarium laetificans Galeni et Rhasis, &c.
      Diamargaritum frig. diaboraginatum, &c.

  Subsect. 6. Correctors of accidents, as,
      Odoraments of roses, violets. 
      Irrigations of the head, with the decoctions of nymphea, lettuce,
        mallows, &c. 
      Epithymes, ointments, bags to the heart. 
      Fomentations of oil for the belly. 
      Baths of sweet water, in which were sod mallows, violets, roses,
        water-lilies, borage flowers, ramsheads, &c.

To procure sleep, and are

Inwardly taken,
Simples
Poppy, nymphea, lettuce, roses, purslane, henbane,
mandrake, nightshade, opium, &c.
or Compounds. 
Liquid, as syrups of poppy, verbasco, violets, roses. 
Solid, as requies Nicholai, Philonium, Romanum, Laudanum
Paracelsi.
or Outwardly used, as
Oil of nymphea, poppy, violets, roses, mandrake, nutmegs. 
Odoraments of vinegar, rosewater, opium. 
Frontals of rose-cake, rose-vinegar, nutmeg. 
Ointments, alablastritum, unguentum populeum, simple or mixed
with opium. 
Irrigations of the head, feet, sponges, music, murmur and
noise of waters. 
Frictions of the head and outward parts, sacculi of henbane,
wormwood at his pillow, &c.

Against terrible dreams; not to sup late, or eat peas, cabbage,
venison, meats heavy of digestion, use balm, hart’s-tongue, &c.

Against ruddiness and blushing, inward and outward remedies.

[Symbol:  Leo] 2.  Memb. Cure of melancholy over the body.

Diet, preparatives, purges, averters, cordials, correctors, as before.

  Phlebotomy in this kind more necessary, and more frequent.

  To correct and cleanse the blood with fumitory, senna, succory,
    dandelion, endive, &c.

[Symbol:  Virgo] Cure of hypochondriacal or windy melancholy. 3.  Memb.

  Subsect. 1 Phlebotomy, if need require. 
  Diet, preparatives, averters, cordials, purgers, as before, saving that
    they must not be so vehement. 
  Use of pennyroyal, wormwood, centaury sod, which alone hath cured many. 
  To provoke urine with aniseed, daucus, asarum, &c., and stools, if need
    be, by clysters and suppositories. 
  To respect the spleen, stomach, liver, hypochondries. 
  To use treacle now and then in winter. 
  To vomit after meals sometimes, if it be inveterate.
  Subsect. 2. To expel wind.

Page 372

Inwardly Taken,
Simples,
Roots,
Galanga, gentian, enula, angelica, calamus aromaticus,
zedoary, china, condite ginger, &c. 
Herbs,
Pennyroyal, rue, calamint, bay leaves, and berries,
scordium, bethany, lavender, camomile, centaury,
wormwood, cumin, broom, orange pills. 
Spices,
Saffron, cinnamon, mace, nutmeg, pepper, musk, zedoary
with wine, &c. 
Seeds,
Aniseed, fennel-seed, ammi, cary, cumin, nettle, bays,
parsley, grana paradisi.
or Compounds, as
Dianisum, diagalanga, diaciminum, diacalaminthes, electuarium
de baccis lauri, benedicta laxativa, &c. pulvia
carminativus, and pulvis descrip.  Antidotario Florentine,
aromaticum, rosatum, Mithridate.

or Outwardly used, as cupping-glasses to the hypochonries without
scarification, oil of camomile, rue, aniseed, their decoctions, &c.

THE SECOND PARTITION.  THE CURE OF MELANCHOLY.

THE FIRST SECTION, MEMBER, SUBSECTION.
Unlawful Cures rejected.

Inveterate Melancholy, howsoever it may seem to be a continuate, inexorable disease, hard to be cured, accompanying them to their graves, most part, as [2789]Montanus observes, yet many times it may be helped, even that which is most violent, or at least, according to the same [2790]author, “it may be mitigated and much eased.” Nil desperandum. It may be hard to cure, but not impossible for him that is most grievously affected, if he but willing to be helped.

Upon this good hope I will proceed, using the same method in the cure, which I have formerly used in the rehearsing of the causes; first general, then particular; and those according to their several species.  Of these cures some be lawful, some again unlawful, which though frequent, familiar, and often used, yet justly censured, and to be controverted.  As first, whether by these diabolical means, which are commonly practised by the devil and his ministers, sorcerers, witches, magicians, &c., by spells, cabilistical words, charms, characters, images, amulets, ligatures, philters, incantations, &c., this disease and the like may be cured? and if they may, whether it be lawful to make use of them, those magnetical cures, or for our good to seek after such means in any case?  The first, whether they can do any such cures, is questioned amongst many writers, some affirming, some denying.  Valesius, cont. med. lib. 5. cap. 6.  Malleus Maleficar, Heurnius, lib. 3. pract. med. cap. 28. Caelius lib. 16. c. 16. Delrio Tom. 3. Wierus lib. 2. de praestig. daem. Libanius Lavater de spect. part. 2. cap. 7. Holbrenner the Lutheran in Pistorium, Polydore Virg. l. 1. de prodig. Tandlerus, Lemnius, (Hippocrates and Avicenna amongst the rest) deny that spirits or devils have any power over us, and refer all with Pomponatius of Padua to natural causes and humours.  Of the other opinion are Bodinus Daemonamantiae, lib. 3,

Page 373

Page 374

Hoc posito, they can effect such cures, the main question is, whether it be lawful in a desperate case to crave their help, or ask a wizard’s advice.  ’Tis a common practice of some men to go first to a witch, and then to a physician, if one cannot the other shall, Flectere si nequeant superos Acheronta movebunt. [2800]"It matters not,” saith Paracelsus, “whether it be God or the devil, angels, or unclean spirits cure him, so that he be eased.”  If a man fall into a ditch, as he prosecutes it, what matter is it whether a friend or an enemy help him out? and if I be troubled with such a malady, what care I whether the devil himself, or any of his ministers by God’s permission, redeem me?  He calls a [2801] magician, God’s minister and his vicar, applying that of vos estis dii profanely to them, for which he is lashed by T. Erastus part. 1. fol. 45. And elsewhere he encourageth his patients to have a good faith, [2802] “a strong imagination, and they shall find the effects:  let divines say to the contrary what they will.”  He proves and contends that many diseases cannot otherwise be cured. Incantatione orti incantatione curari debent; if they be caused by incantation, [2803]they must be cured by incantation.  Constantinus lib. 4. approves of such remedies:  Bartolus the lawyer, Peter Aerodius rerum Judic. lib. 3. tit. 7. Salicetus Godefridus, with others of that sect, allow of them; modo sint ad sanitatem quae a magis fiunt, secus non, so they be for the parties good, or not at all.  But these men are confuted by Remigius, Bodinus, daem. lib. 3. cap 2. Godelmanus lib. 1. cap. 8, Wierus, Delrio lib. 6. quaest. 2. tom. 3. mag. inquis. Erastus de Lamiis; all our [2804]divines, schoolmen, and such as write cases of conscience are against it, the scripture itself absolutely forbids it as a mortal sin, Levit. cap. xviii. xix. xx.  Deut. xviii. &c.  Rom. viii. 19.  “Evil is

Page 375

MEMB.  II.
Lawful Cures, first from God.

Being so clearly evinced, as it is, all unlawful cures are to be refused, it remains to treat of such as are to be admitted, and those are commonly such which God hath appointed, [2808]by virtue of stones, herbs, plants, meats, and the like, which are prepared and applied to our use, by art and industry of physicians, who are the dispensers of such treasures for our good, and to be [2809]"honoured for necessities’ sake,” God’s intermediate ministers, to whom in our infirmities we are to seek for help.  Yet not so that we rely too much, or wholly upon them:  a Jove principium, we must first begin with [2810]prayer, and then use physic; not one without the other, but both together.  To pray alone, and reject ordinary means, is to do like him in Aesop, that when his cart was stalled, lay flat on his back, and cried aloud help Hercules, but that was to little purpose, except as his friend advised him, rotis tute ipse annitaris, he whipped his horses withal, and put his shoulder to the wheel.  God works by means, as Christ cured the blind man with clay and spittle:  Orandum est ut sit mens sana in corpore sano.  As we must pray for health of body and mind, so we must use our utmost endeavours to preserve and continue it.  Some kind of devils are not cast out but by fasting and prayer, and both necessarily required, not one without the other.  For all the physic we can use, art, excellent industry, is to no purpose without calling upon God, nil juvat immensos Cratero promittere montes:  it is in vain to seek for help, run, ride, except God bless us.

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[2811]  ------“non Siculi dapes
Dulcem elaborabunt saporem. 
Non animum cytheraeve cantus.”

[2812] “Non domus et fundus, non aeris acervus et auri
        Aegroto possunt domino deducere febres.”

[2813] “With house, with land, with money, and with gold,
        The master’s fever will not be controll’d.”

We must use our prayer and physic both together:  and so no doubt but our prayers will be available, and our physic take effect.  ’Tis that Hezekiah practised, 2 King. xx.  Luke the Evangelist:  and which we are enjoined, Coloss. iv. not the patient only, but the physician himself.  Hippocrates, a heathen, required this in a good practitioner, and so did Galen, lib. de Plat. et Hipp. dog. lib. 9. cap. 15. and in that tract of his, an mores sequantur temp. cor. ca. 11.. ’tis a rule which he doth inculcate, [2814] and many others.  Hyperius in his first book de sacr. script. lect. speaking of that happiness and good success which all physicians desire and hope for in their cures, [2815]"tells them that it is not to be expected, except with a true faith they call upon God, and teach their patients to do the like.”  The council of Lateran, Canon 22. decreed they should do so:  the fathers of the church have still advised as much:  whatsoever thou takest in hand (saith [2816]Gregory) “let God be of thy counsel, consult with him; that healeth those that are broken in heart, (Psal. cxlvii. 3.) and bindeth up their sores.”  Otherwise as the prophet Jeremiah, cap. xlvi. 11. denounced to Egypt, In vain shalt thou use many medicines, for thou shalt have no health.  It is the same counsel which [2817]Comineus that politic historiographer gives to all Christian princes, upon occasion of that unhappy overthrow of Charles Duke of Burgundy, by means of which he was extremely melancholy, and sick to death:  insomuch that neither physic nor persuasion could do him any good, perceiving his preposterous error belike, adviseth all great men in such cases, [2818]"to pray first to God with all submission and penitency, to confess their sins, and then to use physic.”  The very same fault it was, which the prophet reprehends in Asa king of Judah, that he relied more on physic than on God, and by all means would have him to amend it.  And ’tis a fit caution to be observed of all other sorts of men.  The prophet David was so observant of this precept, that in his greatest misery and vexation of mind, he put this rule first in practice.  Psal. lxxvii. 3.  “When I am in heaviness, I will think on God.”  Psal. lxxxvi. 4.  “Comfort the soul of thy servant, for unto thee I lift up my soul:”  and verse 7.  “In the day of trouble will I call upon thee, for thou hearest me.”  Psal. liv. 1.  “Save me, O God, by thy name,” &c.  Psal. lxxxii.  Psal. xx.  And ’tis the common practice of all good men, Psal. cvii. 13. “when their heart was humbled with heaviness, they cried to the Lord in their troubles, and he delivered them from their

Page 377

MEMB.  III.
Whether it be lawful to seek to Saints for Aid in this Disease.

That we must pray to God, no man doubts; but whether we should pray to saints in such cases, or whether they can do us any good, it may be lawfully controverted.  Whether their images, shrines, relics, consecrated things, holy water, medals, benedictions, those divine amulets, holy exorcisms, and the sign of the cross, be available in this disease?  The papists on the one side stiffly maintain how many melancholy, mad, demoniacal persons are daily cured at St. Anthony’s Church in Padua, at St. Vitus’ in Germany, by our Lady of Loretto in Italy, our Lady of Sichem in the Low Countries:  [2822]_Quae et caecis lumen, aegris salutem, mortuis vitam, claudis gressum reddit, omnes morbos corporis, animi, curat, et in ipsos daemones imperium exercet_; she cures halt, lame, blind, all diseases of body and mind, and commands the devil himself, saith Lipsius. “twenty-five thousand in a day come thither,” [2823]_quis nisi numen

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Page 379

But we on the other side seek to God alone.  We say with David, Psal. xlvi. 1.  “God is our hope and strength, and help in trouble, ready to be found.”  For their catalogue of examples, we make no other answer, but that they are false fictions, or diabolical illusions, counterfeit miracles.  We cannot deny but that it is an ordinary thing on St. Anthony’s day in Padua, to bring diverse madmen and demoniacal persons to be cured:  yet we make a doubt whether such parties be so affected indeed, but prepared by their priests, by certain ointments and drams, to cozen the commonalty, as [2833] Hildesheim well saith; the like is commonly practised in Bohemia as Mathiolus gives us to understand in his preface to his comment upon Dioscorides.  But we need not run so far for examples in this kind, we have a just volume published at home to this purpose. [2834]"A declaration of egregious popish impostures, to withdraw the hearts of religious men under the pretence of casting out of devils, practised by Father Edmunds, alias Weston, a Jesuit, and divers Romish priests, his wicked associates,” with the several parties’ names, confessions, examinations, &c. which were pretended to be possessed.  But these are ordinary tricks only to get opinion and money, mere impostures.  Aesculapius of old, that counterfeit God, did as many famous cures; his temple (as [2835]Strabo relates) was daily full of patients, and as many several tables, inscriptions, pendants, donories, &c. to be seen in his church, as at this day our Lady of Loretto’s in Italy.  It was a custom long since,

------“suspendisse potenti
Vestimenta maris deo."[2836] Hor.  Od. 1. lib. 5.  Od.

To do the like, in former times they were seduced and deluded as they are now.  ’Tis the same devil still, called heretofore Apollo, Mars, Neptune, Venus, Aesculapius, &c. as [2837]Lactantius lib. 2. de orig. erroris, c. 17. observes.  The same Jupiter and those bad angels are now worshipped and adored by the name of St. Sebastian, Barbara, &c.  Christopher and George are come in their

Page 380

MEMB.  IV.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Physician, Patient, Physic.

Of those diverse gifts which our apostle Paul saith God hath bestowed on man, this of physic is not the least, but most necessary, and especially conducing to the good of mankind.  Next therefore to God in all our extremities ("for of the most high cometh healing,” Ecclus. xxxviii. 2.) we must seek to, and rely upon the Physician, [2843]who is Manus Dei, saith Hierophilus, and to whom he hath given knowledge, that he might be glorified in his wondrous works.  “With such doth he heal men, and take away their pains,” Ecclus. xxxviii. 6. 7. “when thou hast need of him, let him not go from thee.  The hour may come that their enterprises may have good success,” ver. 13.  It is not therefore to be doubted, that if we seek a physician as we ought, we may be eased of our infirmities, such a one I mean as is sufficient, and worthily so called; for there be many mountebanks, quacksalvers, empirics, in every street almost, and in every village, that take upon them this name, make this noble and profitable art to be evil spoken of and contemned, by reason of these base and illiterate artificers:  but such a physician I speak of, as is approved, learned, skilful, honest, &c., of whose duty Wecker, Antid. cap. 2. and Syntax. med. Crato, Julius Alexandrinus medic. Heurnius prax. med. lib. 3. cap. 1. &c. treat at large.  For this particular

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Page 382

SUBSECT.  II.—­Concerning the Patient.

When these precedent cautions are accurately kept, and that we have now got a skilful, an honest physician to our mind, if his patient will not be conformable, and content to be ruled by him, all his endeavours will come to no good end.  Many things are necessarily to be observed and continued on the patient’s behalf:  First that he be not too niggardly miserable of his purse, or think it too much he bestows upon himself, and to save charges endanger his health.  The Abderites, when they sent for [2859]Hippocrates, promised him what reward he would, [2860]"all the gold they had, if all the city were gold he should have it.”  Naaman the Syrian, when he went into Israel to Elisha to be cured of his leprosy, took with him ten talents of silver, six thousand pieces of gold, and ten changes of raiment, (2 Kings v. 5.) Another thing is, that out of bashfulness he do not conceal his grief; if aught trouble his mind, let him freely disclose it, Stultorum incurata pudor malus ulcera celat:  by that means he procures to himself much mischief, and runs into a greater inconvenience:  he must be willing to be cured, and earnestly desire it. Pars sanitatis velle sanare fuit, (Seneca).  ’Tis a part of his cure to wish his own health, and not to defer it too long.

Page 383

[2861] “Qui blandiendo dulce nutrivit malum,
        Soro recusat ferre quod subiit jugum.”

       “He that by cherishing a mischief doth provoke,
        Too late at last refuseth to cast off his yoke,”

[2862] “Helleborum frustra cum jam cutis aegra tumebit,
        Poscentes videas; venienti occurrite morbo.”

       “When the skin swells, to seek it to appease
        With hellebore, is vain; meet your disease.”

By this means many times, or through their ignorance in not taking notice of their grievance and danger of it, contempt, supine negligence, extenuation, wretchedness and peevishness; they undo themselves.  The citizens, I know not of what city now, when rumour was brought their enemies were coming, could not abide to hear it; and when the plague begins in many places and they certainly know it, they command silence and hush it up; but after they see their foes now marching to their gates, and ready to surprise them, they begin to fortify and resist when ’tis too late; when, the sickness breaks out and can be no longer concealed, then they lament their supine negligence:  ’tis no otherwise with these men.  And often out of prejudice, a loathing, and distaste of physic, they had rather die, or do worse, than take any of it.  “Barbarous immanity” ([2863]Melancthon terms it) “and folly to be deplored, so to contemn the precepts of health, good remedies, and voluntarily to pull death, and many maladies upon their own heads.”  Though many again are in that other extreme too profuse, suspicious, and jealous of their health, too apt to take physic on every small occasion, to aggravate every slender passion, imperfection, impediment:  if their finger do but ache, run, ride, send for a physician, as many gentlewomen do, that are sick, without a cause, even when they will themselves, upon every toy or small discontent, and when he comes, they make it worse than it is, by amplifying that which is not. [2864]Hier.  Capivaccius sets it down as a common fault of all “melancholy persons to say their symptoms are greater than they are, to help themselves.”  And which [2865]Mercurialis notes, consil. 53. “to be more troublesome to their physicians, than other ordinary patients, that they may have change of physic.”

A third thing to be required in a patient, is confidence, to be of good cheer, and have sure hope that his physician can help him. [2866]Damascen the Arabian requires likewise in the physician himself, that he be confident he can cure him, otherwise his physic will not be effectual, and promise withal that he will certainly help him, make him believe so at least. [2867]Galeottus gives this reason, because the form of health is contained in the physician’s mind, and as Galen, holds [2868]"confidence and hope to be more good than physic,” he cures most in whom most are confident.  Axiocus sick almost to death, at the very sight of Socrates recovered his former health.  Paracelsus assigns

Page 384

Page 385

SUBSECT.  III.—­Concerning Physic.

Physic itself in the last place is to be considered; “for the Lord hath created medicines of the earth, and he that is wise will not abhor them.”  Ecclus. xxxviii. 4. ver. 7.[0000] “of such doth the apothecary make a confection,” &c.  Of these medicines there be diverse and infinite kinds, plants, metals, animals, &c., and those of several natures, some good for one, hurtful to another:  some noxious in themselves, corrected by art, very wholesome and good, simples, mixed, &c., and therefore left to be managed by discreet and skilful physicians, and thence applied to man’s use.  To this purpose they have invented method, and several rules of art, to put these remedies in order, for their particular ends.  Physic (as Hippocrates defines it) is nought else but [2882]"addition and subtraction;” and as it is required in all other diseases, so in this of melancholy it ought to be most accurate, it being (as [2883]Mercurialis acknowledgeth) so common an affection in these our times, and therefore fit to be understood.  Several prescripts and methods I find in several men, some take upon them to cure all maladies with one medicine, severally applied, as that panacea, aurum potabile, so much controverted in these days, herba solis, &c.  Paracelsus reduceth all diseases to four principal heads, to whom Severinus, Ravelascus, Leo Suavius, and others adhere and imitate:  those are leprosy, gout, dropsy, falling-sickness.  To which they reduce the rest; as to leprosy, ulcers, itches, furfurs, scabs, &c.  To gout, stone, colic, toothache, headache, &c.  To dropsy, agues, jaundice, cachexia, &c.  To the falling-sickness, belong palsy, vertigo, cramps, convulsions, incubus, apoplexy, &c. [2884]"If any of these four principal be cured” (saith Ravelascus) “all the inferior are cured,” and the same remedies commonly serve:  but this is too general, and

Page 386

SECT.  II.  MEMB.  I.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Diet rectified in substance.

Diet, [Greek:  Diaitaetikae], victus, or living, according to [2885] Fuchsius and others, comprehends those six non-natural things, which I have before specified, are especial causes, and being rectified, a sole or chief part of the cure. [2886]Johannes Arculanus, cap. 16. in 9.  Rhasis, accounts the rectifying of these six a sufficient cure.  Guianerius, tract. 15, cap. 9. calls them, propriam et primam curam, the principal cure:  so doth Montanus, Crato, Mercurialis, Altomarus, &c., first to be tried, Lemnius, instit. cap. 22, names them the hinges of our health, [2887]no hope of recovery without them.  Reinerus Solenander, in his seventh consultation for a Spanish young gentlewoman, that was so melancholy she abhorred all company, and would not sit at table with her familiar friends, prescribes this physic above the rest, [2888]no good to be done without it. [2889]Aretus, lib. 1. cap. 7. an old physician, is of opinion, that this is enough of itself, if the party be not too far gone in sickness. [2890]Crato, in a consultation of his for a noble patient, tells him plainly, that if his highness will keep but a good diet, he will warrant him his former health. [2891]Montanus, consil. 27. for a nobleman of France, admonisheth his lordship to be most circumspect in his diet, or else all his other physic will [2892]be to small purpose.  The same injunction I find verbatim in J. Caesar Claudinus, Respon. 34.  Scoltzii, consil. 183. Trallianus, cap. 16. lib. 1. Laelius a Fonte Aeugubinus often brags, that he hath done more cures in this kind by rectification of diet, than all other physic besides.  So that in a word I may say to most melancholy men, as the fox said to the weasel, that could not get out of the garner, Macra cavum repetes, quem macra subisti, [2893]the six non-natural things caused it, and they must cure it.  Which howsoever I treat of, as proper to the meridian of melancholy, yet nevertheless, that which is here said with him in [2894]Tully, though writ especially for the good of his friends at Tarentum and Sicily, yet it will generally serve [2895]most other diseases, and help them likewise, if it be observed.

Page 387

Of these six non-natural things, the first is diet, properly so called, which consists in meat and drink, in which we must consider substance, quantity, quality, and that opposite to the precedent.  In substance, such meats are generally commended, which are [2896]"moist, easy of digestion, and not apt to engender wind, not fried, nor roasted, but sod” (saith Valescus, Altomarus, Piso, &c.) “hot and moist, and of good nourishment;” Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2. admits roast meat, [2897]if the burned and scorched superficies, the brown we call it, be pared off.  Salvianus, lib. 2. cap. 1. cries out on cold and dry meats; [2898]young flesh and tender is approved, as of kid, rabbits, chickens, veal, mutton, capons, hens, partridge, pheasant, quails, and all mountain birds, which are so familiar in some parts of Africa, and in Italy, and as [2899]Dublinius reports, the common food of boors and clowns in Palestine.  Galen takes exception at mutton, but without question he means that rammy mutton, which is in Turkey and Asia Minor, which have those great fleshy tails, of forty-eight pounds weight, as Vertomannus witnesseth, navig. lib. 2. cap. 5. The lean of fat meat is best, and all manner of broths, and pottage, with borage, lettuce, and such wholesome herbs are excellent good, especially of a cock boiled; all spoon meat.  Arabians commend brains, but [2900]Laurentius, c. 8. excepts against them, and so do many others; [2901]eggs are justified as a nutritive wholesome meat, butter and oil may pass, but with some limitation; so [2902]Crato confines it, and “to some men sparingly at set times, or in sauce,” and so sugar and honey are approved. [2903]All sharp and sour sauces must be avoided, and spices, or at least seldom used:  and so saffron sometimes in broth may be tolerated; but these things may be more freely used, as the temperature of the party is hot or cold, or as he shall find inconvenience by them.  The thinnest, whitest, smallest wine is best, not thick, nor strong; and so of beer, the middling is fittest.  Bread of good wheat, pure, well purged from the bran is preferred; Laurentius, cap. 8. would have it kneaded with rain water, if it may be gotten.

Water.] Pure, thin, light water by all means use, of good smell and taste, like to the air in sight, such as is soon hot, soon cold, and which Hippocrates so much approves, if at least it may be had.  Rain water is purest, so that it fall not down in great drops, and be used forthwith, for it quickly putrefies.  Next to it fountain water that riseth in the east, and runneth eastward, from a quick running spring, from flinty, chalky, gravelly grounds:  and the longer a river runneth, it is commonly the purest, though many springs do yield the best water at their fountains.  The waters in hotter countries, as in Turkey, Persia, India, within the tropics, are frequently purer than ours in the north, more subtile, thin, and lighter, as our merchants observe, by four ounces in a pound, pleasanter to drink, as good as our beer, and some of them, as Choaspis in Persia, preferred by the Persian kings, before wine itself.

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[2904] “Clitorio quicunque sitim de fonte levarit
        Vina fugit gaudetque meris abstemius undis.”

Many rivers I deny not are muddy still, white, thick, like those in China, Nile in Egypt, Tiber at Rome, but after they be settled two or three days, defecate and clear, very commodious, useful and good.  Many make use of deep wells, as of old in the Holy Land, lakes, cisterns, when they cannot be better provided; to fetch it in carts or gondolas, as in Venice, or camels’ backs, as at Cairo in Egypt, [2905]Radzivilius observed 8000 camels daily there, employed about that business; some keep it in trunks, as in the East Indies, made four square with descending steps, and ’tis not amiss, for I would not have any one so nice as that Grecian Calis, sister to Nicephorus, emperor of Constantinople, and [2906]married to Dominitus Silvius, duke of Venice, that out of incredible wantonness, communi aqua uti nolebat, would use no vulgar water; but she died tanta (saith mine author) foetidissimi puris copia, of so fulsome a disease, that no water could wash her clean. [2907]Plato would not have a traveller lodge in a city that is not governed by laws, or hath not a quick stream running by it; illud enim animum, hoc corrumpit valetudinem, one corrupts the body, the other the mind.  But this is more than needs, too much curiosity is naught, in time of necessity any water is allowed.  Howsoever, pure water is best, and which (as Pindarus holds) is better than gold; an especial ornament it is, and “very commodious to a city” (according to [2908]Vegetius) “when fresh springs are included within the walls,” as at Corinth, in the midst of the town almost, there was arx altissima scatens fontibus, a goodly mount full of fresh water springs:  “if nature afford them not they must be had by art.”  It is a wonder to read of those [2909]stupend aqueducts, and infinite cost hath been bestowed in Rome of old, Constantinople, Carthage, Alexandria, and such populous cities, to convey good and wholesome waters:  read [2910]Frontinus, Lipsius de admir. [2911]Plinius, lib. 3. cap. 11, Strabo in his Geogr. That aqueduct of Claudius was most eminent, fetched upon arches fifteen miles, every arch 109 feet high:  they had fourteen such other aqueducts, besides lakes and cisterns, 700 as I take it; [2912]every house had private pipes and channels to serve them for their use.  Peter Gillius, in his accurate description of Constantinople, speaks of an old cistern which he went down to see, 336 feet long, 180 feet broad, built of marble, covered over with arch-work, and sustained by 336 pillars, 12 feet asunder, and in eleven rows, to contain sweet water.  Infinite cost in channels and cisterns, from Nilus to Alexandria, hath been formerly bestowed, to the admiration of these times; [2913]their cisterns so curiously cemented and composed, that a beholder would take them to be all of one stone:  when the foundation is laid,

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Amongst fishes, those are most allowed of, that live in gravelly or sandy waters, pikes, perch, trout, gudgeon, smelts, flounders, &c.  Hippolitus Salvianus takes exception at carp; but I dare boldly say with [2917] Dubravius, it is an excellent meat, if it come not from [2918]muddy pools, that it retain not an unsavoury taste.  Erinacius Marinus is much commended by Oribatius, Aetius, and most of our late writers.

[2919]Crato, consil. 21. lib. 2. censures all manner of fruits, as subject to putrefaction, yet tolerable at sometimes, after meals, at second course, they keep down vapours, and have their use.  Sweet fruits are best, as sweet cherries, plums, sweet apples, pearmains, and pippins, which Laurentius extols, as having a peculiar property against this disease, and Plater magnifies, omnibus modis appropriata conveniunt, but they must be corrected for their windiness:  ripe grapes are good, and raisins of the sun, musk-melons well corrected, and sparingly used.  Figs are allowed, and almonds blanched.  Trallianus discommends figs, [2920]Salvianus olives and capers, which [2921]others especially like of, and so of pistick nuts.  Montanus and Mercurialis out of Avenzoar, admit peaches, [2922]pears, and apples baked after meals, only corrected with sugar, and aniseed, or fennel-seed, and so they may be profitably taken, because they strengthen the stomach, and keep down vapours.  The like may be said of preserved cherries, plums, marmalade of plums, quinces, &c., but not to drink after them. [2923]Pomegranates, lemons, oranges are tolerated, if they be not too sharp.

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[2924]Crato will admit of no herbs, but borage, bugloss, endive, fennel, aniseed, baum; Callenius and Arnoldus tolerate lettuce, spinach, beets, &c.  The same Crato will allow no roots at all to be eaten.  Some approve of potatoes, parsnips, but all corrected for wind.  No raw salads; but as Laurentius prescribes, in broths; and so Crato commends many of them:  or to use borage, hops, baum, steeped in their ordinary drink. [2925]Avenzoar magnifies the juice of a pomegranate, if it be sweet, and especially rose water, which he would have to be used in every dish, which they put in practice in those hot countries, about Damascus, where (if we may believe the relations of Vertomannus) many hogsheads of rose water are to be sold in the market at once, it is in so great request with them.

SUBSECT.  II.—­Diet rectified in quantity.

Man alone, saith [2926]Cardan, eats and drinks without appetite, and useth all his pleasure without necessity, animae vitio, and thence come many inconveniences unto him.  For there is no meat whatsoever, though otherwise wholesome and good, but if unseasonably taken, or immoderately used, more than the stomach can well bear, it will engender crudity, and do much harm.  Therefore [2927]Crato adviseth his patient to eat but twice a day, and that at his set meals, by no means to eat without an appetite, or upon a full stomach, and to put seven hours’ difference between dinner and supper.  Which rule if we did observe in our colleges, it would be much better for our healths:  but custom, that tyrant, so prevails, that contrary to all good order and rules of physic, we scarce admit of five.  If after seven hours’ tarrying he shall have no stomach, let him defer his meal, or eat very little at his ordinary time of repast.  This very counsel was given by Prosper Calenus to Cardinal Caesius, labouring of this disease; and [2928] Platerus prescribes it to a patient of his, to be most severely kept.  Guianerius admits of three meals a day, but Montanus, consil. 23. pro.  Ab.  Italo, ties him precisely to two.  And as he must not eat overmuch, so he may not absolutely fast; for as Celsus contends, lib. 1.  Jacchinus 15. in 9.  Rhasis, [2929]repletion and inanition may both do harm in two contrary extremes.  Moreover, that which he doth eat, must be well [2930]chewed, and not hastily gobbled, for that causeth crudity and wind; and by all means to eat no more than he can well digest.  “Some think” (saith [2931] Trincavelius, lib. 11. cap. 29. de curand. part. hum.) “the more they eat the more they nourish themselves:”  eat and live, as the proverb is, “not knowing that only repairs man, which is well concocted, not that which is devoured.”  Melancholy men most part have good [2932]appetites, but ill digestion, and for that cause they must be sure to rise with an appetite; and that which Socrates and Disarius the physicians in [2933]Macrobius so much require, St. Hierom enjoins Rusticus to eat and

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A great inconvenience comes by variety of dishes, which causeth the precedent distemperature, [2937]"than which” (saith Avicenna) “nothing is worse; to feed on diversity of meats, or overmuch,” Sertorius-like, in lucem caenare, and as commonly they do in Muscovy and Iceland, to prolong their meals all day long, or all night.  Our northern countries offend especially in this, and we in this island (ampliter viventes in prandiis et caenis, as [2938]Polydore notes) are most liberal feeders, but to our own hurt. [2939]_Persicos odi puer apparatus_:  “Excess of meat breedeth sickness, and gluttony causeth choleric diseases:  by surfeiting many perish, but he that dieteth himself prolongeth his life,” Ecclus. xxxvii. 29, 30.  We account it a great glory for a man to have his table daily furnished with variety of meats:  but hear the physician, he pulls thee by the ear as thou sittest, and telleth thee, [2940]"that nothing can be more noxious to thy health than such variety and plenty.”  Temperance is a bridle of gold, and he that can use it aright, [2941]_ego non summis viris comparo, sed simillimum Deo judico_, is liker a God than a man:  for as it will transform a beast to a man again, so will it make a man a God.  To preserve thine honour, health, and to avoid therefore all those inflations, torments, obstructions, crudities, and diseases that come by a full diet, the best way is to [2942]feed sparingly of one or two dishes at most, to have ventrem bene moratum, as Seneca calls it, [2943]"to choose one of many, and to feed on that alone,” as Crato adviseth his patient.  The same counsel [2944]Prosper Calenus gives to Cardinal Caesius, to use a moderate and simple diet:  and though his table be jovially furnished by reason of his state and guests, yet for his own part to single out some one savoury dish and feed on it.  The same is inculcated by [2945]Crato, consil. 9. l. 2. to a noble personage affected with this grievance, he would have his highness to dine or sup alone, without all his honourable attendance and courtly company, with a private friend or so, [2946]a dish or two, a cup of Rhenish wine, &c.  Montanus, consil. 24. for a noble matron enjoins her one dish, and by no means to drink between meals.  The like, consil. 229. or not to eat till he be an hungry, which rule Berengarius did most strictly observe, as Hilbertus, Cenomecensis Episc. writes in his life,

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------“cui non fuit unquam
Ante sitim potus, nec cibus ante famem,”

and which all temperate men do constantly keep.  It is a frequent solemnity still used with us, when friends meet, to go to the alehouse or tavern, they are not sociable otherwise:  and if they visit one another’s houses, they must both eat and drink.  I reprehend it not moderately used; but to some men nothing can be more offensive; they had better, I speak it with Saint [2947]Ambrose, pour so much water in their shoes.

It much avails likewise to keep good order in our diet, [2948]"to eat liquid things first, broths, fish, and such meats as are sooner corrupted in the stomach; harder meats of digestion must come last.”  Crato would have the supper less than the dinner, which Cardan, Contradict. lib. 1. tract. 5. contradict. 18. disallows, and that by the authority of Galen. 7. art. curat. cap. 6. and for four reasons he will have the supper biggest:  I have read many treatises to this purpose, I know not how it may concern some few sick men, but for my part generally for all, I should subscribe to that custom of the Romans, to make a sparing dinner, and a liberal supper; all their preparation and invitation was still at supper, no mention of dinner.  Many reasons I could give, but when all is said pro and con, [2949]Cardan’s rule is best, to keep that we are accustomed unto, though it be naught, and to follow our disposition and appetite in some things is not amiss; to eat sometimes of a dish which is hurtful, if we have an extraordinary liking to it.  Alexander Severus loved hares and apples above all other meats, as [2950]Lampridius relates in his life:  one pope pork, another peacock, &c.; what harm came of it?  I conclude our own experience is the best physician; that diet which is most propitious to one, is often pernicious to another, such is the variety of palates, humours, and temperatures, let every man observe, and be a law unto himself.  Tiberius, in [2951]Tacitus, did laugh at all such, that thirty years of age would ask counsel of others concerning matters of diet; I say the same.

These few rules of diet he that keeps, shall surely find great ease and speedy remedy by it.  It is a wonder to relate that prodigious temperance of some hermits, anchorites, and fathers of the church:  he that shall but read their lives, written by Hierom, Athanasius, &c., how abstemious heathens have been in this kind, those Curii and Fabritii, those old philosophers, as Pliny records, lib. 11. Xenophon, lib. 1. de vit.  Socrat. Emperors and kings, as Nicephorus relates, Eccles. hist. lib. 18. cap. 8. of Mauritius, Ludovicus Pius, &c., and that admirable [2952]example of Ludovicus Cornarus, a patrician of Venice, cannot but admire them.  This have they done voluntarily and in health; what shall these private men do that are visited with sickness, and necessarily [2953]enjoined to recover, and continue

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MEMB.  II.
Retention and Evacuation rectified.

I have declared in the causes what harm costiveness hath done in procuring this disease; if it be so noxious, the opposite must needs be good, or mean at least, as indeed it is, and to this cure necessarily required; maxime conducit, saith Montaltus, cap. 27. it very much avails. [2956] Altomarus, cap. 7, “commends walking in a morning, into some fair green pleasant fields, but by all means first, by art or nature, he will have these ordinary excrements evacuated.”  Piso calls it, Beneficium ventris, the benefit, help or pleasure of the belly, for it doth much ease it.  Laurentius, cap. 8, Crato, consil. 21. l. 2. prescribes it once a day at least:  where nature is defective, art must supply, by those lenitive electuaries, suppositories, condite prunes, turpentine, clysters, as shall be shown.  Prosper Calenus, lib. de atra bile, commends clysters in hypochondriacal melancholy, still to be used as occasion serves; [2957] Peter Cnemander in a consultation of his pro hypocondriaco, will have his patient continually loose, and to that end sets down there many forms of potions and clysters.  Mercurialis, consil. 88. if this benefit come not of its own accord, prescribes [2958]clysters in the first place:  so doth Montanus, consil. 24. consil. 31 et 229. he commends turpentine to that purpose:  the same he ingeminates, consil. 230. for an Italian abbot.  ’Tis very good to wash his hands and face often, to shift his clothes, to have fair linen about him, to be decently and comely attired, for sordes vitiant, nastiness defiles and dejects any man that is so voluntarily, or compelled by want, it dulleth the spirits.

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Baths are either artificial or natural, both have their special uses in this malady, and as [2959]Alexander supposeth, lib. 1. cap. 16. yield as speedy a remedy as any other physic whatsoever.  Aetius would have them daily used, assidua balnea, Tetra. 2. sect. 2. c. 9. Galen cracks how many several cures he hath performed in this kind by use of baths alone, and Rufus pills, moistening them which are otherwise dry.  Rhasis makes it a principal cure, Tota cura sit in humectando, to bathe and afterwards anoint with oil.  Jason Pratensis, Laurentius, cap. 8. and Montanus set down their peculiar forms of artificial baths.  Crato, consil. 17. lib. 2. commends mallows, camomile, violets, borage to be boiled in it, and sometimes fair water alone, and in his following counsel, Balneum aquae dulcis solum saepissime profuisse compertum habemus.  So doth Fuchsius, lib. 1. cap. 33. Frisimelica, 2. consil. 42. in Trincavelius.  Some beside herbs prescribe a ram’s head and other things to be boiled. [2960] Fernelius, consil. 44. will have them used ten or twelve days together; to which he must enter fasting, and so continue in a temperate heat, and after that frictions all over the body.  Lelius Aegubinus, consil. 142. and Christoph.  Aererus, in a consultation of his, hold once or twice a week sufficient to bathe, the [2961]"water to be warm, not hot, for fear of sweating.”  Felix Plater, observ. lib. 1. for a melancholy lawyer, [2962] “will have lotions of the head still joined to these baths, with a ley wherein capital herbs have been boiled.” [2963]Laurentius speaks of baths of milk, which I find approved by many others.  And still after bath, the body to be anointed with oil of bitter almonds, of violets, new or fresh butter, [2964]capon’s grease, especially the backbone, and then lotions of the head, embrocations, &c.  These kinds of baths have been in former times much frequented, and diversely varied, and are still in general use in those eastern countries.  The Romans had their public baths very sumptuous and stupend, as those of Antoninus and Diocletian.  Plin. 36. saith there were an infinite number of them in Rome, and mightily frequented; some bathed seven times a day, as Commodus the emperor is reported to have done; usually twice a day, and they were after anointed with most costly ointments:  rich women bathed themselves in milk, some in the milk of five hundred she-asses at once:  we have many ruins of such, baths found in this island, amongst those parietines and rubbish of old Roman towns.  Lipsius, de mag.  Urb.  Rom. l. 3, c. 8, Rosinus, Scot of Antwerp, and other antiquaries, tell strange stories of their baths.  Gillius, l. 4. cap. ult.  Topogr.  Constant. reckons up 155 public [2965]baths in Constantinople, of fair building; they are still [2966]frequented in that city by the Turks of all sorts, men and women, and all over Greece, and those hot countries; to absterge

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Natural baths are praised by some, discommended by others; but it is in a divers respect. [2969]Marcus, de Oddis in Hip. affect. consulted about baths, condemns them for the heat of the liver, because they dry too fast; and yet by and by, [2970]in another counsel for the same disease, he approves them because they cleanse by reason of the sulphur, and would have their water to be drunk.  Areteus, c. 7. commends alum baths above the rest; and [2971]Mercurialis, consil. 88. those of Lucca in that hypochondriacal passion.  “He would have his patient tarry there fifteen days together, and drink the water of them, and to be bucketed, or have the water poured on his head.”  John Baptista, Sylvaticus cont. 64. commends all the baths in Italy, and drinking of their water, whether they be iron, alum, sulphur; so doth [2972]Hercules de Saxonia.  But in that they cause sweat and dry so much, he confines himself to hypochondriacal melancholy alone, excepting that of the head and the other.  Trincavelius, consil. 14. lib. 1. refers those [2973]Porrectan baths before the rest, because of the mixture of brass, iron, alum, and consil. 35. l. 3. for a melancholy lawyer, and consil. 36. in that hypochondriacal passion, the [2974]baths of Aquaria, and 36. consil. the drinking of them.  Frisimelica, consulted amongst the rest in Trincavelius, consil. 42. lib. 2. prefers the waters of [2975]Apona before all artificial baths whatsoever in this disease, and would have one nine years affected with hypochondriacal passions fly to them as to a [2976]holy anchor.  Of the same mind is Trincavelius himself there, and yet both put a hot liver in the same party for a cause, and send him to the waters of St. Helen, which are much hotter.  Montanus, consil. 230. magnifies the [2977]Chalderinian baths, and consil 237. et 239. he exhorteth to the same, but with this caution, [2978]"that the liver be outwardly anointed with some coolers that it be not overheated.”  But these baths must be warily frequented by melancholy persons, or if used, to such as are very cold of themselves,

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Immoderate Venus in excess, as it is a cause, or in defect; so moderately used to some parties an only help, a present remedy.  Peter Forestus calls it aptissimum remedium, a most apposite remedy, [2981]"remitting anger, and reason, that was otherwise bound.”  Avicenna Fen. 3. 20. Oribasius med. collect. lib. 6. cap. 37. contend out of Ruffus and others, [2982] “that many madmen, melancholy, and labouring of the falling sickness, have been cured by this alone.”  Montaltus cap. 27. de melan. will have it drive away sorrow, and all illusions of the brain, to purge the heart and brain from ill smokes and vapours that offend them:  [2983]"and if it be omitted,” as Valescus supposeth, “it makes the mind sad, the body dull and heavy.”  Many other inconveniences are reckoned up by Mercatus, and by Rodericus a Castro, in their tracts de melancholia virginum et monialium; ob seminis retentionem saviunt saepe moniales et virgines, but as Platerus adds, si nubant sanantur, they rave single, and pine away, much discontent, but marriage mends all.  Marcellus Donatus lib. 2. med. hist. cap. 1. tells a story to confirm this out of Alexander Benedictus, of a maid that was mad, ob menses inhibitos, cum in officinam meritoriam incidisset, a quindecem viris eadem nocte compressa, mensium largo profluvio, quod pluribus annis ante constiterat, non sine magno pudore mane menti restituta discessit.  But this must be warily understood, for as Arnoldus objects, lib. 1. breviar. 18. cap. Quid coitus ad melancholicum succum?  What affinity have these two? [2984]"except it be manifest that superabundance of seed, or fullness of blood be a cause, or that love, or an extraordinary desire of Venus, have gone before,” or that as Lod.  Mercatus excepts, they be very flatuous, and have been otherwise accustomed unto it.  Montaltus cap. 27. will not allow of moderate Venus to such as have the gout, palsy, epilepsy, melancholy, except they be very lusty, and full of blood. [2985]Lodovicus Antonius lib. med. miscet. in his chapter of Venus, forbids it utterly to all wrestlers, ditchers, labouring men, &c. [2986]Ficinus

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MEMB.  III.
Air rectified.  With a digression of the Air.

As a long-winged hawk, when he is first whistled off the fist, mounts aloft, and for his pleasure fetcheth many a circuit in the air, still soaring higher and higher, till he be come to his full pitch, and in the end when the game is sprung, comes down amain, and stoops upon a sudden:  so will I, having now come at last into these ample fields of air, wherein I may freely expatiate and exercise myself for my recreation, awhile rove, wander round about the world, mount aloft to those ethereal orbs and celestial spheres, and so descend to my former elements again.  In which progress I will first see whether that relation of the friar of [2997] Oxford be true, concerning those northern parts under the pole (if I meet obiter with the wandering Jew, Elias Artifex, or Lucian’s Icaromenippus, they shall be my guides) whether there be such 4.  Euripes, and a great rock of loadstones, which may cause the needle in the compass still to bend that way, and what should be the true cause of the variation of the compass, [2998]is it a magnetical rock, or the pole-star, as Cardan will;

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I would have a convenient place to go down with Orpheus, Ulysses, Hercules, [3034]Lucian’s Menippus, at St. Patrick’s purgatory, at Trophonius’ den, Hecla in Iceland, Aetna in Sicily, to descend and see what is done in the bowels of the earth:  do stones and metals grow there still? how come fir trees to be [3035]digged out from tops of hills, as in our mosses, and marshes all over Europe?  How come they to dig up fish bones, shells, beams, ironworks, many fathoms under ground, and anchors in mountains far remote from all seas? [3036]Anno 1460 at Bern in Switzerland 50 fathom deep a ship was digged out of a mountain, where they got metal ore, in which were 48 carcasses of men, with other merchandise.  That such things are ordinarily found in tops of hills, Aristotle insinuates in his meteors, [3037]Pomponius Mela in his first book, c. de Numidia, and familiarly in the Alps, saith [3038]Blancanus the Jesuit, the like is to be seen:  came this from earthquakes, or from Noah’s flood, as Christians suppose, or is there a vicissitude of sea and land, as Anaximenes held of old, the mountains of Thessaly would become seas, and seas again mountains?  The whole world belike should be new moulded, when it seemed good to those all-commanding powers, and turned inside out, as we do haycocks in harvest, top to bottom, or bottom to top:  or as we turn apples to the fire, move the world upon his centre; that which is under the poles now, should be translated to the equinoctial, and that which is under the torrid zone to the circle arctic and antarctic another while, and so be reciprocally warmed by the sun:  or if the worlds be infinite, and every fixed star a sun, with his compassing planets (as Brunus and Campanella conclude) cast three or four worlds into one; or else of one world make three or four new, as it shall seem to them best.  To proceed, if the earth be 21,500 miles in [3039]compass, its diameter is 7,000 from us to our antipodes, and

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In the mean time let us consider of that which is sub dio, and find out a true cause, if it be possible, of such accidents, meteors, alterations, as happen above ground.  Whence proceed that variety of manners, and a distinct character (as it were) to several nations?  Some are wise, subtile, witty; others dull, sad and heavy; some big, some little, as Tully de Fato, Plato in Timaeo, Vegetius and Bodine prove at large, method. cap. 5. some soft, and some hardy, barbarous, civil, black, dun, white, is it from the air, from the soil, influence of stars, or some other secret cause?  Why doth Africa breed so many venomous beasts, Ireland none?  Athens owls, Crete none? [3051]Why hath Daulis and Thebes no swallows (so Pausanius informeth us) as well as the rest of Greece, [3052]Ithaca no hares, Pontus asses, Scythia swine? whence comes this variety of complexions, colours, plants, birds, beasts, [3053]metals, peculiar almost to every place?  Why so many thousand strange birds and beasts proper to America alone, as Acosta demands lib. 4. cap. 36. were they created in the six days, or ever in Noah’s ark? if there, why are they not dispersed and found in other countries?  It is a thing (saith he) hath long held me in suspense; no Greek, Latin, Hebrew ever heard of them before, and yet as differing from our European animals, as an egg and a chestnut:  and which is more, kine, horses, sheep, &c., till the Spaniards brought them, were never heard of in those parts?  How comes it to pass, that in the same site, in one latitude, to such as are Perioeci, there should be such difference of soil, complexion, colour, metal, air, &c.  The Spaniards are white, and so are Italians, when as the inhabitants about [3054]_Caput bonae spei_ are blackamoors, and yet both alike distant from the equator:  nay they that dwell in the same parallel line with these Negroes, as about the Straits of Magellan, are white coloured, and yet some in Presbyter John’s country in Ethiopia are dun; they in Zeilan and Malabar parallel with them again black:  Manamotapa in Africa, and St. Thomas Isle are extreme hot, both under the line, coal black their inhabitants, whereas in Peru they are quite opposite in colour, very temperate, or rather cold, and yet both alike elevated.  Moscow in 53. degrees of latitude extreme cold, as those northern countries usually are, having one perpetual hard frost all winter long; and in 52. deg. lat. sometimes hard frost and snow all summer, as Button’s Bay, &c., or by fits; and yet [3055]England near the

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Who can give a reason of this diversity of meteors, that it should rain [3073]stones, frogs, mice, &c.  Rats, which they call lemmer in Norway, and are manifestly observed (as [3074]Munster writes) by the inhabitants, to descend and fall with some feculent showers, and like so many locusts, consume all that is green.  Leo Afer speaks as much of locusts, about Fez in Barbary there be infinite swarms in their fields upon a sudden:  so at Aries in France, 1553, the like happened by the same mischief, all their grass and fruits were devoured, magna incolarum admiratione et consternatione (as Valleriola obser. med. lib. 1. obser. 1. relates) coelum subito obumbrabant, &c. he concludes, [3075]it could not be from natural causes, they cannot imagine whence they come, but from heaven.  Are these and such creatures, corn, wood, stones, worms, wool, blood, &c. lifted up into the middle region by the sunbeams, as [3076]Baracellus the physician disputes, and thence let fall with showers, or there engendered? [3077]Cornelius Gemma is of that opinion, they are there conceived by celestial influences:  others suppose they are immediately from God, or prodigies raised by art and illusions of spirits, which are princes of the air; to whom Bodin. lib. 2.  Theat.  Nat. subscribes.  In fine, of meteors in general, Aristotle’s reasons are exploded by Bernardinus Telesius, by Paracelsus his principles confuted, and other causes assigned, sal, sulphur, mercury, in which his disciples are so expert, that they can alter elements, and separate at their pleasure, make perpetual motions, not as Cardan, Tasneir, Peregrinus, by some magnetical virtue, but by mixture of elements; imitate thunder, like Salmoneus, snow, hail, the sea’s ebbing and flowing, give life to creatures (as they say) without generation, and what not?  P. Nonius Saluciensis and Kepler take upon them to demonstrate that no meteors, clouds, fogs, [3078]vapours, arise higher than fifty or eighty miles, and all the rest to be purer air or element of fire:  which [3079]Cardan, [3080]Tycho, and [3081]John Pena manifestly confute by refractions, and many other arguments, there is no such element

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If the heavens then be penetrable, as these men deliver, and no lets, it were not amiss in this aerial progress, to make wings and fly up, which that Turk in Busbequius made his fellow-citizens in Constantinople believe he would perform:  and some new-fangled wits, methinks, should some time or other find out:  or if that may not be, yet with a Galileo’s glass, or Icaromenippus’ wings in Lucian, command the spheres and heavens, and see what is done amongst them.  Whether there be generation and corruption, as some think, by reason of ethereal comets, that in Cassiopea, 1572, that in Cygno, 1600, that in Sagittarius, 1604, and many like, which by no means Jul.  Caesar la Galla, that Italian philosopher, in his physical disputation with Galileis de phenomenis in orbe lunae, cap. 9. will admit:  or that they were created ab initio, and show themselves at set times. and as [3090]Helisaeus Roeslin contends, have poles, axle-trees, circles of their own, and regular motions.  For, non pereunt, sed minuuntur et disparent, [3091]Blancanus holds they come and go by fits, casting their tails still from the sun:  some of them, as a burning-glass, projects the sunbeams from it; though not always neither:  for sometimes a comet casts his tail from Venus, as Tycho observes.  And as [3092]Helisaeus Roeslin of some others, from the moon, with little stars about them ad stuporem astronomorum; cum multis aliis in coelo miraculis, all which argue with those Medicean, Austrian, and Burbonian stars, that the heaven of the planets is indistinct, pure, and open, in which the planets move certis legibus ac metis.  Examine likewise, An coelum sit coloratum?  Whether the stars be of that bigness, distance, as astronomers relate, so many in [3093]number, 1026, or 1725, as J. Bayerus; or as some Rabbins, 29,000 myriads; or as Galileo discovers by his glasses, infinite, and that via lactea, a confused light of small

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But why should the sun and moon be angry, or take exceptions at mathematicians and philosophers? when as the like measure is offered unto God himself, by a company of theologasters:  they are not contented to see the sun and moon, measure their site and biggest distance in a glass, calculate their motions, or visit the moon in a poetical fiction, or a dream, as he saith, [3129]_Audax facinus et memorabile nunc incipiam, neque hoc saeculo usurpatum prius, quid in Lunae regno hac nocte gestum sit exponam, et quo nemo unquam nisi somniando pervenit_, [3130]but he and Menippus:  or as [3131]Peter Cuneus, Bona fide agam, nihil eorum quae scripturus sum, verum esse scitote, &c. quae nec facta, nec futura sunt, dicam, [3132]stili tantum et ingenii causa, not in jest, but in good earnest these gigantical Cyclops will transcend spheres, heaven, stars, into that Empyrean heaven; soar higher yet, and see what God himself doth.  The Jewish Talmudists take upon them to determine how God spends his whole time, sometimes playing with Leviathan, sometimes overseeing the world, &c., like Lucian’s Jupiter, that spent much of the year in painting butterflies’ wings, and seeing who offered sacrifice; telling the hours when it should rain, how much snow should fall in such a place, which way the wind should stand in Greece, which way in Africa.  In the Turks’ Alcoran, Mahomet is taken up to heaven, upon a Pegasus sent on purpose for him, as he lay in bed with his wife, and after some conference with God is set on ground again.  The pagans paint him and mangle him after a thousand fashions; our heretics, schismatics, and some schoolmen, come not far behind:  some paint him in the habit of an old man, and make maps of heaven, number the angels, tell their several [3133]names, offices:  some deny God and his providence, some take his office out of his hands, will [3134]bind and loose in heaven, release, pardon, forgive, and be quarter-master with him:  some call his Godhead in question, his power, and attributes, his mercy, justice, providence:  they will know with [3135]Cecilius, why good and bad are punished together, war, fires, plagues, infest all alike, why wicked men flourish, good are poor, in prison, sick, and ill at ease.  Why doth he suffer so much mischief and evil to be done, if he be [3136]able to help? why doth he not assist good, or resist bad, reform our wills, if he be not the author of sin, and let such enormities be committed, unworthy of his knowledge, wisdom, government, mercy, and providence, why lets he all things be done by fortune and chance?  Others as prodigiously inquire after his omnipotency, an possit plures similes creare deos? an ex scarcibaeo deum? &c., et quo demum ruetis sacrificuli?  Some, by visions and revelations, take upon them to be familiar with God, and to be of privy council with him; they will tell how many, and who shall be saved, when the world shall come to an end, what year, what month, and whatsoever else God hath reserved unto himself, and to his angels. 

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Jason Pratensis, in his book de morbis capitis, and chapter of Melancholy, hath these words out of Galen, [3143]"Let them come to me to know what meat and drink they shall use, and besides that, I will teach them what temper of ambient air they shall make choice of, what wind, what countries they shall choose, and what avoid.”  Out of which lines of his, thus much we may gather, that to this cure of melancholy, amongst other things, the rectification of air is necessarily required.  This is performed, either in reforming natural or artificial air.  Natural is that which is in our election to choose or avoid:  and ’tis either general, to countries, provinces; particular, to cities, towns, villages, or private houses.  What harm those extremities of heat or cold do in this malady, I have formerly shown:  the medium must needs be good, where the air is temperate, serene, quiet, free from bogs, fens, mists, all manner of putrefaction, contagious and filthy noisome smells.  The [3144]Egyptians by all geographers are commended to be hilares, a conceited and merry nation:  which I can ascribe to no other cause than the serenity of their air.  They that live in the Orcades are registered by [3145]Hector Boethius and [3146]Cardan, to be of fair complexion, long-lived, most healthful, free from all manner of infirmities of body and mind, by reason of a sharp purifying air, which comes from the sea.  The Boeotians in Greece were dull and heavy, crassi Boeoti, by reason of a foggy air in which they lived, [3147]_Boeotum in crasso jurares aere natum_, Attica most acute, pleasant, and refined.  The clime changes not so much customs, manners, wits (as Aristotle Polit. lib. 6. cap. 4. Vegetius, Plato, Bodine, method. hist. cap. 5. hath proved at large) as constitutions of their bodies, and temperature itself.  In all particular provinces we see it confirmed by experience, as the air is, so are the inhabitants, dull, heavy, witty, subtle, neat, cleanly, clownish, sick, and sound.  In [3148]Perigord in France the air is subtle, healthful, seldom any plague or contagious disease, but hilly and barren:  the men sound, nimble, and lusty; but in some parts of Guienne, full of moors and marshes, the people dull, heavy, and subject to many infirmities.  Who sees not a great difference between Surrey, Sussex, and Romney Marsh, the wolds in Lincolnshire and the fens.  He therefore that loves his health, if his ability will give him leave, must often shift places, and make choice of such as are wholesome, pleasant, and convenient:  there is nothing better than change of air in this malady, and generally for health to wander up and down, as those [3149]_Tartari Zamolhenses_, that live in hordes, and take opportunity of times, places, seasons.  The kings of Persia had their summer and winter houses; in winter at Sardis, in summer at Susa; now at Persepolis, then at Pasargada.  Cyrus lived seven cold months at Babylon, three at Susa, two at Ecbatana, saith [3150]Xenophon, and had

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The best soil commonly yields the worst air, a dry sandy plat is fittest to build upon, and such as is rather hilly than plain, full of downs, a Cotswold country, as being most commodious for hawking, hunting, wood, waters, and all manner of pleasures.  Perigord in France is barren, yet by reason of the excellency of the air, and such pleasures that it affords, much inhabited by the nobility; as Nuremberg in Germany, Toledo in Spain.  Our countryman Tusser will tell us so much, that the fieldone is for profit, the woodland for pleasure and health; the one commonly a deep clay, therefore noisome in winter, and subject to bad highways:  the other a dry sand.  Provision may be had elsewhere, and our towns are generally bigger in the woodland than the fieldone, more frequent and populous, and gentlemen more delight to dwell in such places.  Sutton Coldfield in Warwickshire (where I was once a grammar scholar), may be a sufficient witness, which stands, as Camden notes, loco ingrato et sterili, but in an excellent air, and full of all manner of pleasures. [3167]Wadley in Berkshire is situate in a vale, though not so fertile a soil as some vales afford, yet a most commodious site, wholesome, in a delicious air, a rich and pleasant seat.  So Segrave in Leicestershire (which town [3168]I am now bound to remember) is situated in a champaign, at the edge of the wolds, and more barren than the villages about it, yet no place likely yields a better air.  And he that built that fair house, [3169]Wollerton in Nottinghamshire, is much to be commended (though the tract be sandy and barren about it) for making choice of such a place.  Constantine, lib. 2. cap. de Agricult. praiseth mountains, hilly, steep places, above the rest by the seaside, and such as look toward the [3170]north upon some great river, as [3171] Farmack in Derbyshire, on the Trent, environed with hills, open only to the north, like Mount Edgecombe in Cornwall, which Mr. [3172]Carew so much admires for an excellent seat:  such is the general site of Bohemia:  serenat Boreas, the north wind clarifies, [3173]"but near lakes or marshes, in holes, obscure places, or to the south and west, he utterly disproves,” those winds are unwholesome, putrefying, and make men subject to diseases.  The best building for health, according to him, is in [3174] “high places, and in an excellent prospect,” like that of Cuddeston in Oxfordshire (which place I must honoris ergo mention) is lately and fairly [3175]built in a good air, good prospect, good soil, both for profit and pleasure, not so easily to be matched.  P. Crescentius, in his lib. 1. de Agric. cap. 5. is very copious in this subject, how a house should be wholesomely sited, in a good coast, good air, wind, &c., Varro de re rust. lib. 1. cap. 12. [3176]forbids lakes and rivers, marshy and manured grounds, they cause a bad air, gross diseases, hard to be cured:  [3177]"if it be so that he cannot help it, better

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Of that artificial site of houses I have sufficiently discoursed:  if the plan of the dwelling may not be altered, yet there is much in choice of such a chamber or room, in opportune opening and shutting of windows, excluding foreign air and winds, and walking abroad at convenient times. [3182]Crato, a German, commends east and south site (disallowing cold air and northern winds in this case, rainy weather and misty days), free from putrefaction, fens, bogs, and muck—­hills.  If the air be such, open no windows, come not abroad.  Montanus will have his patient not to [3183]stir at all, if the wind be big or tempestuous, as most part in March it is with us; or in cloudy, lowering, dark days, as in November, which we commonly call the black month; or stormy, let the wind stand how it will, consil. 27. and 30. he must not [3184]"open a casement in bad weather,” or in a boisterous season, consil. 299, he especially forbids us to open windows to a south wind.  The best sites for chamber windows, in my judgment, are north, east, south, and which is the worst, west.  Levinus Lemnius, lib. 3. cap. 3. de occult. nat. mir. attributes so much to air, and rectifying of wind and windows, that he holds it alone sufficient to make a man sick or well; to alter body and mind. [3185]"A clear air cheers up the spirits, exhilarates the mind; a thick, black, misty, tempestuous, contracts, overthrows.”  Great heed is therefore to be taken at what times we walk, how we place our windows, lights, and houses, how we let in or exclude this ambient air.  The Egyptians, to avoid immoderate heat, make their windows on the top of the house like chimneys, with two tunnels to draw a thorough air.  In Spain they commonly make great opposite windows without glass, still shutting those which are next to the sun:  so likewise in Turkey and Italy (Venice excepted, which brags of her stately glazed palaces) they use paper windows to like purpose; and lie, sub dio, in the top of their flat-roofed houses, so sleeping under the canopy of heaven.  In some parts of [3186]Italy they have windmills, to draw a cooling air out of hollow caves, and disperse the same through all the chambers of their palaces, to refresh them; as at Costoza, the house of Caesareo Trento, a gentleman of Vicenza, and elsewhere.  Many excellent means are invented to correct nature by art.  If none of these courses help, the best way is to make artificial air, which howsoever is profitable and good, still to be made hot and moist, and to be seasoned with sweet perfumes, [3187]pleasant and lightsome as it may be; to have roses, violets, and sweet-smelling flowers ever in their windows, posies in their hand.  Laurentius commends water-lilies, a vessel of warm water to evaporate in the room, which will make a more delightful perfume, if there be added orange-flowers, pills of citrons, rosemary, cloves, bays, rosewater, rose-vinegar, benzoin, laudanum, styrax, and such like gums, which make a

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Although our ordinary air be good by nature or art, yet it is not amiss, as I have said, still to alter it; no better physic for a melancholy man than change of air, and variety of places, to travel abroad and see fashions. [3191]Leo Afer speaks of many of his countrymen so cured, without all other physic:  amongst the Negroes, “there is such an excellent air, that if any of them be sick elsewhere, and brought thither, he is instantly recovered, of which he was often an eyewitness.” [3192]Lipsius, Zuinger, and some others, add as much of ordinary travel.  No man, saith Lipsius, in an epistle to Phil.  Lanoius, a noble friend of his, now ready to make a voyage, [3193]"can be such a stock or stone, whom that pleasant speculation of countries, cities, towns, rivers, will not affect.” [3194] Seneca the philosopher was infinitely taken with the sight of Scipio Africanus’ house, near Linternum, to view those old buildings, cisterns, baths, tombs, &c.  And how was [3195]Tully pleased with the sight of Athens, to behold those ancient and fair buildings, with a remembrance of their worthy inhabitants.  Paulus Aemilius, that renowned Roman captain, after he had conquered Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, and now made an end of his tedious wars, though he had been long absent from Rome, and much there desired, about the beginning of autumn (as [3196]Livy describes it) made a pleasant peregrination all over Greece, accompanied with his son Scipio, and Atheneus the brother of king Eumenes, leaving the charge of his army with Sulpicius Gallus.  By Thessaly he went to Delphos, thence to Megaris, Aulis, Athens, Argos, Lacedaemon, Megalopolis, &c.  He took great content, exceeding delight in that his voyage, as who doth not that shall attempt the like, though his travel be ad jactationem magis quam ad usum reipub. (as [3197]one well observes) to crack, gaze, see fine sights and fashions, spend time, rather than for his own or public good? (as it is to many gallants that travel out their best days, together with their means, manners, honesty, religion) yet it availeth howsoever.  For peregrination charms our senses with such unspeakable and sweet variety, [3198]that some count him unhappy that never travelled, and pity his case, that from

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MEMB.  IV.
Exercise rectified of Body and Mind.

To that great inconvenience, which comes on the one side by immoderate and unseasonable exercise, too much solitariness and idleness on the other, must be opposed as an antidote, a moderate and seasonable use of it, and that both of body and mind, as a most material circumstance, much conducing to this cure, and to the general preservation of our health.  The heavens themselves run continually round, the sun riseth and sets, the moon increaseth and decreaseth, stars and planets keep their constant motions, the air is still tossed by the winds, the waters ebb and flow to their conservation no doubt, to teach us that we should ever be in action.  For which cause Hieron prescribes Rusticus the monk, that he be always occupied about some business or other, [3209]"that the devil do not find him idle.” [3210]Seneca would have a man do something, though it be to no purpose. [3211]Xenophon wisheth one rather to play at tables, dice, or make a jester of himself (though he might be far better employed) than do nothing.  The [3212]Egyptians of old, and many flourishing commonwealths since, have enjoined labour and exercise to all sorts of men, to be of some vocation and calling, and give an account of their time, to prevent those grievous mischiefs that come by idleness:  “for as fodder, whip, and burthen belong to the ass:  so meat, correction, and work unto the servant,” Ecclus. xxxiii. 23.  The Turks enjoin all men whatsoever, of what degree, to be of some trade or

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Of these labours, exercises, and recreations, which are likewise included, some properly belong to the body, some to the mind, some more easy, some hard, some with delight, some without, some within doors, some natural, some are artificial.  Amongst bodily exercises, Galen commends ludum parvae pilae, to play at ball, be it with the hand or racket, in tennis-courts or otherwise, it exerciseth each part of the body, and doth much good, so that they sweat not too much.  It was in great request of old amongst the Greeks, Romans, Barbarians, mentioned by Homer, Herodotus, and Plinius.  Some write, that Aganella, a fair maid of Corcyra, was the inventor of it, for she presented the first ball that ever was made to Nausica, the daughter of King Alcinous, and taught her how to use it.

The ordinary sports which are used abroad are hawking, hunting, hilares venandi labores, [3226]one calls them, because they recreate body and mind, [3227]another, the [3228]"best exercise that is, by which alone many have been [3229]freed from all feral diseases.”  Hegesippus, lib. 1. cap. 37. relates of Herod, that he was eased of a grievous melancholy by that means.  Plato, 7. de leg. highly magnifies it, dividing it into three parts, “by land, water, air.”  Xenophon, in Cyropaed. graces it with a great name, Deorum munus, the gift of the gods, a princely sport, which they have ever used, saith Langius, epist. 59. lib. 2.

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Hawking comes near to hunting, the one in the air, as the other on the earth, a sport as much affected as the other, by some preferred. [3231]It was never heard of amongst the Romans, invented some twelve hundred years since, and first mentioned by Firmicus, lib. 5. cap. 8. The Greek emperors began it, and now nothing so frequent:  he is nobody that in the season hath not a hawk on his fist.  A great art, and many [3232]books written of it.  It is a wonder to hear [3233]what is related of the Turks’ officers in this behalf, how many thousand men are employed about it, how many hawks of all sorts, how much revenues consumed on that only disport, how much time is spent at Adrianople alone every year to that purpose.  The [3234]Persian kings hawk after butterflies with sparrows made to that use, and stares:  lesser hawks for lesser games they have, and bigger for the rest, that they may produce their sport to all seasons.  The Muscovian emperors reclaim eagles to fly at hinds, foxes, &c., and such a one was sent for a present to [3235]Queen Elizabeth:  some reclaim ravens, castrils, pies, &c., and man them for their pleasures.

Fowling is more troublesome, but all out as delightsome to some sorts of men, be it with guns, lime, nets, glades, gins, strings, baits, pitfalls, pipes, calls, stalking-horses, setting-dogs, decoy-ducks, &c., or otherwise.  Some much delight to take larks with day-nets, small birds with chaff-nets, plovers, partridge, herons, snipe, &c.  Henry the Third, king of Castile (as Mariana the Jesuit reports of him, lib. 3. cap. 7.) was much affected [3236]"with catching of quails,” and many gentlemen take a singular pleasure at morning and evening to go abroad with their quail-pipes, and will take any pains to satisfy their delight in that kind.  The [3237]Italians have gardens fitted to such use, with nets, bushes, glades, sparing no cost or industry, and are very much affected with the sport.  Tycho Brahe, that great astronomer, in the chorography of his Isle of Huena, and Castle of Uraniburge, puts down his nets, and manner of catching small birds, as an ornament and a recreation, wherein he himself was sometimes employed.

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Fishing is a kind of hunting by water, be it with nets, weels, baits, angling, or otherwise, and yields all out as much pleasure to some men as dogs or hawks; [3238]"When they draw their fish upon the bank,” saith Nic.  Henselius Silesiographiae, cap. 3. speaking of that extraordinary delight his countrymen took in fishing, and in making of pools.  James Dubravius, that Moravian, in his book de pisc. telleth, how travelling by the highway side in Silesia, he found a nobleman, [3239]"booted up to the groins,” wading himself, pulling the nets, and labouring as much as any fisherman of them all:  and when some belike objected to him the baseness of his office, he excused himself, [3240]"that if other men might hunt hares, why should not he hunt carps?” Many gentlemen in like sort with us will wade up to the arm-holes upon such occasions, and voluntarily undertake that to satisfy their pleasures, which a poor man for a good stipend would scarce be hired to undergo.  Plutarch, in his book de soler. animal. speaks against all fishing, [3241]"as a filthy, base, illiberal employment, having neither wit nor perspicacity in it, nor worth the labour.”  But he that shall consider the variety of baits for all seasons, and pretty devices which our anglers have invented, peculiar lines, false flies, several sleights, &c. will say, that it deserves like commendation, requires as much study and perspicacity as the rest, and is to be preferred before many of them.  Because hawking and hunting are very laborious, much riding, and many dangers accompany them; but this is still and quiet:  and if so be the angler catch no fish, yet he hath a wholesome walk to the brookside, pleasant shade by the sweet silver streams; he hath good air, and sweet smells of fine fresh meadow flowers, he hears the melodious harmony of birds, he sees the swans, herons, ducks, water-horns, coots, &c., and many other fowl, with their brood, which he thinketh better than the noise of hounds, or blast of horns, and all the sport that they can make.

Many other sports and recreations there be, much in use, as ringing, bowling, shooting, which Ascam recommends in a just volume, and hath in former times been enjoined by statute, as a defensive exercise, and an [3242]honour to our land, as well may witness our victories in France.  Keelpins, tronks, quoits, pitching bars, hurling, wrestling, leaping, running, fencing, mustering, swimming, wasters, foils, football, balloon, quintain, &c., and many such, which are the common recreations of the country folks.  Riding of great horses, running at rings, tilts and tournaments, horse races, wild-goose chases, which are the disports of greater men, and good in themselves, though many gentlemen by that means gallop quite out of their fortunes.

But the most pleasant of all outward pastimes is that of [3243]Areteus, deambulatio per amoena loca, to make a petty progress, a merry journey now and then with some good companions, to visit friends, see cities, castles, towns,

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[3244] “Visere saepe amnes nitidos, per amaenaque Tempe,
        Et placidas summis sectari in montibus auras.”

       “To see the pleasant fields, the crystal fountains,
        And take the gentle air amongst the mountains.”

[3245]To walk amongst orchards, gardens, bowers, mounts, and arbours, artificial wildernesses, green thickets, arches, groves, lawns, rivulets, fountains, and such like pleasant places, like that Antiochian Daphne, brooks, pools, fishponds, between wood and water, in a fair meadow, by a river side, [3246]_ubi variae, avium cantationes, florum colores, pratorum frutices_, &c. to disport in some pleasant plain, park, run up a steep hill sometimes, or sit in a shady seat, must needs be a delectable recreation. Hortus principis et domus ad delectationem facia, cum sylva, monte et piscina, vulgo la montagna:  the prince’s garden at Ferrara [3247]Schottus highly magnifies, with the groves, mountains, ponds, for a delectable prospect, he was much affected with it:  a Persian paradise, or pleasant park, could not be more delectable in his sight.  St. Bernard, in the description of his monastery, is almost ravished with the pleasures of it.  “A sick [3248]man” (saith he) “sits upon a green bank, and when the dog-star parcheth the plains, and dries up rivers, he lies in a shady bower, Fronde sub arborea ferventia temperat astra, and feeds his eyes with variety of objects, herbs, trees, to comfort his misery, he receives many delightsome smells, and fills his ears with that sweet and various harmony of birds:  good God” (saith he), “what a company of pleasures hast thou made for man!” He that should be admitted on a sudden to the sight of such a palace as that of Escurial in Spain, or to that which the Moors built at Granada, Fontainebleau in France, the Turk’s gardens in his seraglio, wherein all manner of birds and beasts are kept for pleasure; wolves, bears, lynxes, tigers, lions, elephants, &c., or upon the banks of that Thracian Bosphorus:  the pope’s Belvedere in Rome, [3249]as pleasing as those horti pensiles in Babylon, or that Indian king’s delightsome garden in [3250]Aelian; or [3251]those famous gardens of the Lord Cantelow in France, could, not choose, though he were never so ill paid, but be much recreated for the time; or many of our noblemen’s gardens at home.  To take a boat in a pleasant evening, and with music [3252]to row upon the waters, which Plutarch so much applauds, Elian admires, upon the river Pineus:  in those Thessalian fields, beset with green bays, where birds so sweetly sing that passengers, enchanted as it were with their heavenly music, omnium laborum et curarum obliviscantur, forget forthwith all labours, care, and grief:  or in a gondola through the Grand Canal in Venice, to see those goodly palaces, must needs refresh and give content to a melancholy dull spirit.  Or to see the inner rooms of a fair-built and sumptuous edifice, as that of the Persian kings, so much renowned by Diodorus and Curtius, in which all was almost beaten gold, [3253]chairs, stools, thrones, tabernacles, and pillars of gold, plane trees, and vines of gold, grapes of precious stones, all the other ornaments of pure gold,

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[3254] “Fulget gemma floris, et jaspide fulva supellex,
Strata micant Tyrio”------

With sweet odours and perfumes, generous wines, opiparous fare, &c., besides the gallantest young men, the fairest [3255]virgins, puellae scitulae ministrantes, the rarest beauties the world could afford, and those set out with costly and curious attires, ad stuporem usque spectantium, with exquisite music, as in [3256]Trimaltion’s house, in every chamber sweet voices ever sounding day and night, incomparabilis luxus, all delights and pleasures in each kind which to please the senses could possibly be devised or had, convives coronati, delitiis ebrii, &c.  Telemachus, in Homer, is brought in as one ravished almost at the sight of that magnificent palace, and rich furniture of Menelaus, when he beheld

[3257] “Aeris fulgorem et resonantia tecta corusco
        Auro, atque electro nitido, sectoque elephanto,
        Argentoque simul.  Talis Jovis ardua sedes,
        Aulaque coelicolum stellans splendescit Olympo.”

       “Such glittering of gold and brightest brass to shine,
        Clear amber, silver pure, and ivory so fine: 
        Jupiter’s lofty palace, where the gods do dwell,
        Was even such a one, and did it not excel.”

It will laxare animos, refresh the soul of man to see fair-built cities, streets, theatres, temples, obelisks, &c.  The temple of Jerusalem was so fairly built of white marble, with so many pyramids covered with gold; tectumque templi fulvo coruscans auro, nimio suo fulgore obcaecabat oculos itinerantium, was so glorious, and so glistened afar off, that the spectators might not well abide the sight of it.  But the inner parts were all so curiously set out with cedar, gold, jewels, &c., as he said of Cleopatra’s palace in Egypt,—­[3258]_Crassumque trabes absconderat aurum_, that the beholders were amazed.  What so pleasant as to see some pageant or sight go by, as at coronations, weddings, and such like solemnities, to see an ambassador or a prince met, received, entertained with masks, shows, fireworks, &c.  To see two kings fight in single combat, as Porus and Alexander; Canute and Edmund Ironside; Scanderbeg and Ferat Bassa the Turk; when not honour alone but life itself is at stake, as the [3259]poet of Hector,

------“nec enim pro tergore Tauri,
Pro bove nec certamen erat, quae praemia cursus
Esse solent, sed pro magni viraque animaque—­Hectoris.”

To behold a battle fought, like that of Crecy, or Agincourt, or Poitiers, qua nescio (saith Froissart) an vetustas ullam proferre possit clariorem.  To see one of Caesar’s triumphs in old Rome revived, or the like.  To be present at an interview, [3260]as that famous of Henry the Eighth and Francis the First, so much renowned all over Europe; ubi tanto apparatu (saith Hubertus Veillius) tamque triumphali pompa ambo reges com eorum conjugibus coiere, ut nulla unquam

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Page 435

The country hath his recreations, the city his several gymnics and exercises, May games, feasts, wakes, and merry meetings, to solace themselves; the very being in the country; that life itself is a sufficient recreation to some men, to enjoy such pleasures, as those old patriarchs did.  Diocletian, the emperor, was so much affected with it, that he gave over his sceptre, and turned gardener.  Constantine wrote twenty books of husbandry.  Lysander, when ambassadors came to see him, bragged of nothing more than of his orchard, hi sunt ordines mei.  What shall I say of Cincinnatus, Cato, Tully, and many such? how they have been pleased with it, to prune, plant, inoculate and graft, to show so many several kinds of pears, apples, plums, peaches, &c.

[3269] “Nunc captare feras laqueo, nunc fallere visco,
        Atque etiam magnos canibus circundare saltus
        Insidias avibus moliri, incendere vepres.”

       “Sometimes with traps deceive, with line and string
        To catch wild birds and beasts, encompassing
        The grove with dogs, and out of bushes firing.”

------“et nidos aviumscrutari,” &c.

Jucundus, in his preface to Cato, Varro, Columella, &c., put out by him, confesseth of himself, that he was mightily delighted with these husbandry studies, and took extraordinary pleasure in them:  if the theory or speculation can so much affect, what shall the place and exercise itself, the practical part do?  The same confession I find in Herbastein, Porta, Camerarius, and many others, which have written of that subject.  If my testimony were aught worth, I could say as much of myself; I am vere Saturnus; no man ever took more delight in springs, woods, groves, gardens, walks, fishponds, rivers, &c.  But

[3270] “Tantalus a labris sitiens fugientia captat
        Flumina;”

And so do I; Velle licet, potiri non licet.[3271]

Every palace, every city almost hath its peculiar walks, cloisters, terraces, groves, theatres, pageants, games, and several recreations; every country, some professed gymnics to exhilarate their minds, and exercise their bodies.  The [3272]Greeks had their Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, Nemean games, in honour of Neptune, Jupiter, Apollo; Athens hers:  some for honour, garlands, crowns; for [3273]beauty, dancing, running, leaping, like our silver games.  The [3274]Romans had their feasts, as the Athenians, and Lacedaemonians held their public banquets, in Pritanaeo, Panathenaeis, Thesperiis, Phiditiis, plays, naumachies, places for sea-fights, [3275]theatres, amphitheatres able to contain 70,000 men, wherein they had several delightsome shows to exhilarate the people; [3276] gladiators, combats of men with themselves, with wild beasts, and wild beasts one with another, like our bull-baitings, or bear-baitings (in which many countrymen and citizens amongst us so much delight and so frequently use), dancers on ropes.  Jugglers, wrestlers, comedies,

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[3279] “At nunc magnifico spectacula structa paratu
        Quid memorem, veteri non concessura Quirino,
        Ludorum pompa,” &c.

In Italy they have solemn declamations of certain select young gentlemen in Florence (like those reciters in old Rome), and public theatres in most of their cities, for stage-players and others, to exercise and recreate themselves.  All seasons almost, all places, have their several pastimes; some in summer, some in winter; some abroad, some within:  some of the body, some of the mind:  and diverse men have diverse recreations and exercises.  Domitian, the emperor, was much delighted with catching flies; Augustus to play with nuts amongst children; [3280]Alexander Severus was often pleased to play with whelps and young pigs. [3281]Adrian was so wholly enamoured with dogs and horses, that he bestowed monuments and tombs of them, and buried them in graves.  In foul weather, or when they can use no other convenient sports, by reason of the time, as we do cock-fighting, to avoid idleness, I think, (though some be more seriously taken with it, spend much time, cost and charges, and are too solicitous about it) [3282]Severus used partridges and quails, as many Frenchmen do still, and to keep birds in cages, with which he was much pleased, when at any time he had leisure from public cares and businesses.  He had (saith Lampridius) tame pheasants, ducks, partridges, peacocks, and some 20,000 ring-doves and pigeons.  Busbequius, the emperor’s orator, when he lay in Constantinople, and could not stir much abroad, kept for his recreation, busying himself to see them fed, almost all manner of strange birds and beasts; this was something, though not to exercise his body, yet to refresh his mind.  Conradus Gesner, at Zurich in Switzerland, kept so likewise for his pleasure, a great company of wild beasts; and (as he saith) took great delight to see them eat their meat.  Turkey gentlewomen, that are perpetual prisoners, still mewed up according to the custom of the place, have little else beside their household business, or to play with their children to drive away time, but to dally with their cats, which they have in delitiis, as many of our ladies and gentlewomen use monkeys and little dogs.  The ordinary recreations which

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------“quid toto fiat in orbe,
Quid Seres, quid Thraces agant, secreta novercae,
Et pueri, quis amet,” &c.

as at an ordinary with us, bakehouse or barber’s shop.  When that great Gonsalva was upon some displeasure confined by King Ferdinand to the city of Loxa in Andalusia, the only, comfort (saith [3289]Jovius) he had to ease his melancholy thoughts, was to hear news, and to listen after those ordinary occurrences which were brought him cum primis, by letters or otherwise out of the remotest parts of Europe.  Some men’s whole delight is, to take tobacco, and drink all day long in a tavern or alehouse, to discourse, sing, jest, roar, talk of a cock and bull over a pot, &c.  Or when three or four good companions meet, tell old stories by the fireside, or in the sun, as old folks usually do, quae aprici meminere senes, remembering afresh and with pleasure ancient matters, and such like accidents, which happened in their younger years:  others’ best pastime is to game, nothing to them so pleasant. [3290]_Hic Veneri indulget, hunc decoquit alea_—­many too nicely take exceptions at cards, [3291]tables, and dice, and such mixed lusorious lots, whom Gataker well confutes.  Which though they be honest recreations in themselves, yet may justly be otherwise excepted at, as they are often abused, and forbidden as things most pernicious; insanam rem et damnosam, [3292]Lemnius calls it.  “For most part in these kind of disports ’tis not art or skill, but subtlety, cony-catching, knavery, chance and fortune carries all away:”  ’tis ambulatoria pecunia,

Page 438

[3293]  ------“puncto mobilis horae
Permutat dominos, et cedit in altera jura.”

They labour most part not to pass their time in honest disport, but for filthy lucre, and covetousness of money. In foedissimum lucrum et avaritiam hominum convertitur, as Daneus observes. Fons fraudum et maleficiorum, ’tis the fountain of cozenage and villainy. [3294]"A thing so common all over Europe at this day, and so generally abused, that many men are utterly undone by it,” their means spent, patrimonies consumed, they and their posterity beggared; besides swearing, wrangling, drinking, loss of time, and such inconveniences, which are ordinary concomitants:  [3295]"for when once they have got a haunt of such companies, and habit of gaming, they can hardly be drawn from it, but as an itch it will tickle them, and as it is with whoremasters, once entered, they cannot easily leave it off:”  Vexat mentes insania cupido, they are mad upon their sport.  And in conclusion (which Charles the Seventh, that good French king, published in an edict against gamesters) unde piae et hilaris vitae, suffugium sibi suisque liberis, totique familiae, &c.  “That which was once their livelihood, should have maintained wife, children, family, is now spent and gone;” maeror et egestas, &c., sorrow and beggary succeeds.  So good things may be abused, and that which was first invented to [3296] refresh men’s weary spirits, when they come from other labours and studies to exhilarate the mind, to entertain time and company, tedious otherwise in those long solitary winter nights, and keep them from worse matters, an honest exercise is contrarily perverted.

Chess-play is a good and witty exercise of the mind for some kind of men, and fit for such melancholy, Rhasis holds, as are idle, and have extravagant impertinent thoughts, or troubled with cares, nothing better to distract their mind, and alter their meditations:  invented (some say) by the [3297]general of an army in a famine, to keep soldiers from mutiny:  but if it proceed from overmuch study, in such a case it may do more harm than good; it is a game too troublesome for some men’s brains, too full of anxiety, all out as bad as study; besides it is a testy choleric game, and very offensive to him that loseth the mate. [3298]William the Conqueror, in his younger years, playing at chess with the Prince of France (Dauphine was not annexed to that crown in those days) losing a mate, knocked the chess-board about his pate, which was a cause afterward of much enmity between them.  For some such reason it is belike, that Patritius, in his 3. book, tit. 12. de reg. instit. forbids his prince to play at chess; hawking and hunting, riding, &c. he will allow; and this to other men, but by no means to him.  In Muscovy, where they live in stoves and hot houses all winter long, come seldom or little abroad, it is again very necessary, and therefore in those parts, (saith [3299]Herbastein)

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Dancing, singing, masking, mumming, stage plays, howsoever they be heavily censured by some severe Catos, yet if opportunely and soberly used, may justly be approved. Melius est foedere, quam saltare, [3301]saith Austin:  but what is that if they delight in it? [3302]_Nemo saltat sobrius_.  But in what kind of dance?  I know these sports have many oppugners, whole volumes writ against them; when as all they say (if duly considered) is but ignoratio Elenchi; and some again, because they are now cold and wayward, past themselves, cavil at all such youthful sports in others, as he did in the comedy; they think them, illico nasci senes, &c.  Some out of preposterous zeal object many times trivial arguments, and because of some abuse, will quite take away the good use, as if they should forbid wine because it makes men drunk; but in my judgment they are too stern:  there “is a time for all things, a time to mourn, a time to dance,” Eccles. iii. 4. “a time to embrace, a time not to embrace,” (verse 5.) “and nothing better than that a man should rejoice in his own works,” verse 22; for my part, I will subscribe to the king’s declaration, and was ever of that mind, those May games, wakes, and Whitsun ales, &c., if they be not at unseasonable hours, may justly be permitted.  Let them freely feast, sing and dance, have their puppet-plays, hobby-horses, tabors, crowds, bagpipes, &c., play at ball, and barley-breaks, and what sports and recreations they like best.  In Franconia, a province of Germany, (saith [3303]Aubanus Bohemus) the old folks, after evening prayer, went to the alehouse, the younger sort to dance:  and to say truth with [3304]Salisburiensis, satius fuerat sic otiari, quam turpius occupari, better to do so than worse, as without question otherwise (such is the corruption of man’s nature) many of them will do.  For that cause, plays, masks, jesters, gladiators, tumblers, jugglers, &c., and all that crew is admitted and winked at:  [3305]_Tota jocularium scena procedit, et ideo spectacula admissa sunt, et infinita tyrocinia vanitatum, ut his occupentur, qui perniciosius otiari solent_:  that they might be busied about such toys, that would otherwise more perniciously be idle.  So that as [3306]Tacitus said of the astrologers in Rome, we may say of them, genus hominum est quod in civitate nostra et vitabitur

Page 440

This which I aim at, is for such as are fracti animis, troubled in mind, to ease them, over-toiled on the one part, to refresh:  over idle on the other, to keep themselves busied.  And to this purpose, as any labour or employment will serve to the one, any honest recreation will conduce to the other, so that it be moderate and sparing, as the use of meat and drink; not to spend all their life in gaming, playing, and pastimes, as too many gentlemen do; but to revive our bodies and recreate our souls with honest sports:  of which as there be diverse sorts, and peculiar to several callings, ages, sexes, conditions, so there be proper for several seasons, and those of distinct natures, to fit that variety of humours which is amongst them, that if one will not, another may:  some in summer, some in winter, some gentle, some more violent, some for the mind alone, some for the body and mind:  (as to some it is both business and a pleasant recreation to oversee workmen of all sorts, husbandry, cattle, horses, &c.  To build, plot, project, to make models, cast up accounts, &c.) some without, some within doors; new, old, &c., as the season serveth, and as men are inclined.  It is reported of Philippus Bonus, that good duke of Burgundy (by Lodovicus Vives, in Epist. and Pont. [3308]Heuter in his history) that the said duke, at the marriage of Eleonora, sister to the king of Portugal, at Bruges in Flanders, which was solemnised in the deep of winter, when, as by reason of unseasonable weather, he could neither hawk nor hunt, and was now tired with cards, dice, &c., and such other domestic sports, or to see ladies dance, with some of his courtiers, he would in the evening walk disguised all about the town.  It so fortuned, as he was walking late one night, he found a country fellow dead drunk, snorting on

Page 441

But amongst those exercises, or recreations of the mind within doors, there is none so general, so aptly to be applied to all sorts of men, so fit and proper to expel idleness and melancholy, as that of study:  Studia, senectutem oblectant, adolescentiam, alunt, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium et solatium praebent, domi delectant, &c., find the rest in Tully pro Archia Poeta. [3312]What so full of content, as to read, walk, and see maps, pictures, statues, jewels, marbles, which some so much magnify, as those that Phidias made of old so exquisite and pleasing to be beheld, that as [3313]Chrysostom thinketh, “if any man be sickly, troubled in mind, or that cannot sleep for grief, and shall but stand over against one of Phidias’ images, he will forget all care, or whatsoever else may molest him, in an instant?” There be those as much taken with Michael Angelo’s, Raphael de Urbino’s, Francesco Francia’s pieces, and many of those Italian and Dutch painters, which were excellent in their ages; and esteem of it as a most pleasing sight, to view those neat architectures, devices, escutcheons, coats of arms, read such books, to peruse old coins of several sorts in a fair gallery; artificial works, perspective glasses, old relics, Roman antiquities, variety of colours.  A good picture is falsa veritas, et muta poesis:  and though (as [3314]Vives

Page 442

[3315] “Continuo eo spectaculo captus delenito maerore
        Oblectabatur, in manibus tenens dei splendida dona.”

Who will not be affected so in like case, or see those well-furnished cloisters and galleries of the Roman cardinals, so richly stored with all modern pictures, old statues and antiquities? Cum se—­spectando recreet simul et legendo, to see their pictures alone and read the description, as [3316]Boisardus well adds, whom will it not affect? which Bozius, Pomponius, Laetus, Marlianus, Schottus, Cavelerius, Ligorius, &c., and he himself hath well performed of late.  Or in some prince’s cabinets, like that of the great dukes in Florence, of Felix Platerus in Basil, or noblemen’s houses, to see such variety of attires, faces, so many, so rare, and such exquisite pieces, of men, birds, beasts, &c., to see those excellent landscapes, Dutch works, and curious cuts of Sadlier of Prague, Albertus Durer, Goltzius Vrintes, &c., such pleasant pieces of perspective, Indian pictures made of feathers, China works, frames, thaumaturgical motions, exotic toys, &c.  Who is he that is now wholly overcome with idleness, or otherwise involved in a labyrinth of worldly cares, troubles and discontents, that will not be much lightened in his mind by reading of some enticing story, true or feigned, whereas in a glass he shall observe what our forefathers have done, the beginnings, ruins, falls, periods of commonwealths, private men’s actions displayed to the life, &c. [3317] Plutarch therefore calls them, secundas mensas et bellaria, the second course and junkets, because they were usually read at noblemen’s feasts.  Who is not earnestly affected with a passionate speech, well penned, an elegant poem, or some pleasant bewitching discourse, like that of [3318] Heliodorus, ubi oblectatio quaedam placide fuit, cum hilaritate conjuncta?  Julian the Apostate was so taken with an oration of Libanius, the sophister, that, as he confesseth, he could not be quiet till he had read it all out. Legi orationem tuam magna ex parte, hesterna die ante prandium, pransus vero sine ulla intermissione totam absolvi. [3319]_O argumenta!  O compositionem!_ I may say the same of this or that pleasing tract, which will draw his attention along with it.  To most kind of men it is an extraordinary delight to study.  For what a world of books offers itself, in all subjects,

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Page 444

Page 445

Page 446

[3341]  ------“qui nobis haec otio fecerunt, namque erit ille mihi semper
Deus”------

       “These blessings, friend, a Deity bestow’d,
        For never can I deem him less than God.”

that have provided for us so many well-furnished libraries, as well in our public academies in most cities, as in our private colleges?  How shall I remember [3342]Sir Thomas Bodley, amongst the rest, [3343]Otho Nicholson, and the Right Reverend John Williams, Lord Bishop of Lincoln (with many other pious acts), who besides that at St. John’s College in Cambridge, that in Westminster, is now likewise in Fieri with a library at Lincoln (a noble precedent for all corporate towns and cities to imitate), O quam te memorem (vir illustrissime) quibus elogiis?  But to my task again.

Whosoever he is therefore that is overrun with solitariness, or carried away with pleasing melancholy and vain conceits, and for want of employment knows not how to spend his time, or crucified with worldly care, I can prescribe him no better remedy than this of study, to compose himself to the learning of some art or science.  Provided always that this malady proceed not from overmuch study; for in such case he adds fuel to the fire, and nothing can be more pernicious:  let him take heed he do not overstretch his wits, and make a skeleton of himself; or such inamoratos as read nothing but play-books, idle poems, jests, Amadis de Gaul, the Knight of the Sun, the Seven Champions, Palmerin de Oliva, Huon of Bordeaux, &c.  Such

Page 447

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[3355] “Qui quid sit pulchrum, quid turpe, quid utile, quid non,
        Plenius et melius Chrysippo et Crantore dicunt.”

Nay, what shall the Scripture itself?  Which is like an apothecary’s shop, wherein are all remedies for all infirmities of mind, purgatives, cordials, alteratives, corroboratives, lenitives, &c.  “Every disease of the soul,” saith [3356]Austin, “hath a peculiar medicine in the Scripture; this only is required, that the sick man take the potion which God hath already tempered.” [3357]Gregory calls it “a glass wherein we may see all our infirmities,” ignitum colloquium, Psalm cxix. 140. [3358]Origen a charm.  And therefore Hierom prescribes Rusticus the monk, [3359]"continually to read the Scripture, and to meditate on that which he hath read; for as mastication is to meat, so is meditation on that which we read.”  I would for these causes wish him that, is melancholy to use both human and divine authors, voluntarily to impose some task upon himself, to divert his melancholy thoughts:  to study the art of memory, Cosmus Rosselius, Pet.  Ravennas, Scenkelius’ Detectus, or practise brachygraphy, &c., that will ask a great deal of attention:  or let him demonstrate a proposition in Euclid, in his five last books, extract a square root, or study Algebra:  than which, as [3360]Clavius holds, “in all human disciplines nothing can be more excellent and pleasant, so abstruse and recondite, so bewitching, so miraculous, so ravishing, so easy withal and full of delight,” omnem humanum captum superare videtur.  By this means you may define ex ungue leonem, as the diverb is, by his thumb alone the bigness of Hercules, or the true dimensions of the great [3361]Colossus, Solomon’s temple, and Domitian’s amphitheatre out of a little part.  By this art you may contemplate the variation of the twenty-three letters, which may be so infinitely varied, that the words complicated and deduced thence will not be contained within the compass of the firmament; ten words may be varied 40,320 several ways:  by this art you may examine how many men may stand one by another in the whole superficies of the earth, some say 148,456,800,000,000, assignando singulis passum quadratum (assigning a square foot to each), how many men, supposing all the world as habitable as France, as fruitful and so long-lived, may be born in 60,000 years, and so may you demonstrate with [3362]Archimedes how many sands the mass of the whole world might contain if

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Now for women, instead of laborious studies, they have curious needleworks, cut-works, spinning, bone-lace, and many pretty devices of their own making, to adorn their houses, cushions, carpets, chairs, stools, ("for she eats not the bread of idleness,” Prov. xxxi. 27. quaesivit lanam et linum) confections, conserves, distillations, &c., which they show to strangers.

[3372] “Ipsa comes praesesque operis venientibus ultro
        Hospitibus monstrare solet, non segniter horas
        Contestata suas, sed nec sibi depertisse.”

       “Which to her guests she shows, with all her pelf,
        Thus far my maids, but this I did myself.”

This they have to busy themselves about, household offices, &c., [3373] neat gardens, full of exotic, versicolour, diversely varied, sweet-smelling flowers, and plants in all kinds, which they are most ambitious to get, curious to preserve and keep, proud to possess, and much many times brag of.  Their merry meetings and frequent visitations, mutual invitations in good towns, I voluntarily omit, which are so much in use, gossiping among the meaner sort, &c., old folks have their beads:  an excellent invention to keep them from idleness, that are by nature melancholy, and past all affairs, to say so many paternosters, avemarias, creeds, if it were not profane and superstitious.  In a word, body and mind must be exercised, not one, but both, and that in a mediocrity; otherwise it will cause a great inconvenience.  If the body be overtired, it tires the mind.  The mind oppresseth the body, as with students it oftentimes falls out, who (as [3374]Plutarch observes) have no care of the body, “but compel that which is mortal to do as much as that which is immortal:  that which is earthly, as that which is ethereal.  But as the ox tired, told the camel, (both serving one master) that refused to carry some part of his burden, before it were long he should be compelled to carry all his pack, and skin

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MEMB.  V.
Waking and terrible Dreams rectified.

As waking that hurts, by all means must be avoided, so sleep, which so much helps, by like ways, [3376]"must be procured, by nature or art, inward or outward medicines, and be protracted longer than ordinary, if it may be, as being an especial help.”  It moistens and fattens the body, concocts, and helps digestion (as we see in dormice, and those Alpine mice that sleep all winter), which Gesner speaks of, when they are so found sleeping under the snow in the dead of winter, as fat as butter.  It expels cares, pacifies the mind, refresheth the weary limbs after long work: 

[3377]Somne quies rerum, placidissime somne deorum,
        Pax animi, quem cura fugit, qui corpora duris
        Fessa ministeriis mulces reparasque labori.”

       “Sleep, rest of things, O pleasing deity,
        Peace of the soul, which cares dost crucify,
        Weary bodies refresh and mollify.”

The chiefest thing in all physic, [3378]Paracelsus calls it, omnia arcana gemmarum superans et metallorum.  The fittest time is [3379]"two or three hours after supper, when as the meat is now settled at the bottom of the stomach, and ’tis good to lie on the right side first, because at that site the liver doth rest under the stomach, not molesting any way, but heating him as a fire doth a kettle, that is put to it.  After the first sleep ’tis not amiss to lie on the left side, that the meat may the better descend;” and sometimes again on the belly, but never on the back.  Seven or eight hours is a competent time for a melancholy man to rest, as Crato thinks; but as some do, to lie in bed and not sleep, a day, or half a day together, to give assent to pleasing conceits and vain imaginations, is many ways pernicious.  To procure this sweet moistening sleep, it’s best to take away the occasions (if it be possible) that hinder it, and then to use such inward or outward remedies, which may cause it. Constat hodie (saith Boissardus in his tract de magia, cap. 4.) multos ita fascinari ut noctes integras exigant insomnes, summa, inquietudine animorum et corporum; many cannot sleep for witches and fascinations, which are too familiar in some places; they call it, dare alicui malam noctem.  But the ordinary causes are heat and dryness, which must first be removed:  [3380]a hot and dry brain never sleeps well:  grief, fears, cares, expectations, anxieties, great businesses, [3381]_In aurum utramque otiose ut dormias_,

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[3384]  ------“absentem cantat amicam,
Multa prolutus vappa nauta atque viator.”

Who not accustomed to such noises can sleep amongst them?  He that will intend to take his rest must go to bed animo securo, quieto et libero, with a [3385]secure and composed mind, in a quiet place:  omnia noctes erunt placida composta quiete:  and if that will not serve, or may not be obtained, to seek then such means as are requisite.  To lie in clean linen and sweet; before he goes to bed, or in bed, to hear [3386]"sweet music,” which Ficinus commends, lib. 1. cap. 24, or as Jobertus, med. pract. lib. 3. cap. 10. [3387]"to read some pleasant author till he be asleep, to have a basin of water still dropping by his bedside,” or to lie near that pleasant murmur, lene sonantis aquae.  Some floodgates, arches, falls of water, like London Bridge, or some continuate noise which may benumb the senses, lenis motus, silentium et tenebra, tum et ipsa voluntas somnos faciunt; as a gentle noise to some procures sleep, so, which Bernardinus Tilesius, lib. de somno, well observes, silence, in a dark room, and the will itself, is most available to others.  Piso commends frications, Andrew Borde a good draught of strong drink before one goes to bed; I say, a nutmeg and ale, or a good draught of Muscadine, with a toast and nutmeg, or a posset of the same, which many use in a morning, but methinks, for such as have dry brains, are much more proper at night; some prescribe a [3388] sup of vinegar as they go to bed, a spoonful, saith Aetius Tetrabib. lib. 2. ser. 2. cap. 10. lib. 6. cap. 10. Aegineta, lib. 3. cap. 14. Piso, “a little after meat,” [3389]"because it rarefies melancholy, and procures an appetite to sleep.” Donat. ab Altomar. cap. 7. and Mercurialis approve of it, if the malady proceed from the [3390]spleen.  Salust.  Salvian. lib. 2. cap. 1. de remed. Hercules de Saxonia in Pan.  Aelinus, Montaltus de morb. capitis, cap. 28. de Melan. are altogether against it.  Lod.  Mercatus, de inter.  Morb. cau. lib. 1. cap. 17. in some cases doth allow it. [3391]Rhasis seems to deliberate of it, though Simeon commend it (in sauce peradventure) he makes a question of it:  as for baths, fomentations, oils, potions, simples or compounds, inwardly taken to this purpose, [3392] I shall speak of them elsewhere.  If, in the midst of the night, when they lie awake, which is usual to toss and tumble, and not sleep, [3393] Ranzovius would have them, if it be in warm weather, to rise and walk three or four turns (till they be cold) about the chamber, and then go to bed again.

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Against fearful and troublesome dreams, Incubus and such inconveniences, wherewith melancholy men are molested, the best remedy is to eat a light supper, and of such meats as are easy of digestion, no hare, venison, beef, &c., not to lie on his back, not to meditate or think in the daytime of any terrible objects, or especially talk of them before he goes to bed.  For, as he said in Lucian after such conference, Hecates somniare mihi videor, I can think of nothing but hobgoblins:  and as Tully notes, [3394] “for the most part our speeches in the daytime cause our fantasy to work upon the like in our sleep,” which Ennius writes of Homer:  Et canis in somnis leporis vestigia latrat:  as a dog dreams of a hare, so do men on such subjects they thought on last.

[3395] “Somnia quae mentes ludunt volitantibus umbris,
        Nec delubra deum, nec ab aethere numina mittunt,
        Sed sibi quisque facit,” &c.

For that cause when Ptolemy, king of Egypt, had posed the seventy interpreters in order, and asked the nineteenth man what would make one sleep quietly in the night, he told him, [3396]"the best way was to have divine and celestial meditations, and to use honest actions in the daytime. [3397]Lod.  Vives wonders how schoolmen could sleep quietly, and were not terrified in the night, or walk in the dark, they had such monstrous questions, and thought of such terrible matters all day long.”  They had need, amongst the rest, to sacrifice to god Morpheus, whom [3398] Philostratus paints in a white and black coat, with a horn and ivory box full of dreams, of the same colours, to signify good and bad.  If you will know how to interpret them, read Artemidorus, Sambucus and Cardan; but how to help them, [3399]I must refer you to a more convenient place.

MEMB.  VI.

SUBSECT.  I.—­Perturbations of the mind rectified.  From himself, by resisting to the utmost, confessing his grief to a friend, &c.

Whosoever he is that shall hope to cure this malady in himself or any other, must first rectify these passions and perturbations of the mind:  the chiefest cure consists in them.  A quiet mind is that voluptas, or summum bonum of Epicurus, non dolere, curis vacare, animo tranquillo esse, not to grieve, but to want cares, and have a quiet soul, is the only pleasure of the world, as Seneca truly recites his opinion, not that of eating and drinking, which injurious Aristotle maliciously puts upon him, and for which he is still mistaken, male audit et vapulat, slandered without a cause, and lashed by all posterity. [3400]"Fear and sorrow, therefore, are especially to be avoided, and the mind to be mitigated with mirth, constancy, good hope; vain terror, bad objects are to be removed, and all such persons in whose companies they be not well pleased.”  Gualter Bruel.  Fernelius, consil. 43. Mercurialis, consil.

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Yea, but you will here infer, that this is excellent good indeed if it could be done; but how shall it be effected, by whom, what art, what means? hic labor, hoc opus est. ’Tis a natural infirmity, a most powerful adversary, all men are subject to passions, and melancholy above all others, as being distempered by their innate humours, abundance of choler adust, weakness of parts, outward occurrences; and how shall they be avoided?  The wisest men, greatest philosophers of most excellent wit, reason, judgment, divine spirits, cannot moderate themselves in this behalf; such as are sound in body and mind, Stoics, heroes, Homer’s gods, all are passionate, and

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He himself (I say); from the patient himself the first and chiefest remedy must be had; for if he be averse, peevish, waspish, give way wholly to his passions, will not seek to be helped, or be ruled by his friends, how is it possible he should be cured?  But if he be willing at least, gentle, tractable, and desire his own good, no doubt but he may magnam morbi deponere partem, be eased at least, if not cured.  He himself must do his utmost endeavour to resist and withstand the beginnings. Principiis obsta, “Give not water passage, no not a little,” Ecclus. xxv. 27.  If they open a little, they will make a greater breach at length.  Whatsoever it is that runneth in his mind, vain conceit, be it pleasing or displeasing, which so much affects or troubleth him, [3407]"by all possible means he must withstand it, expel those vain, false, frivolous imaginations, absurd conceits, feigned fears and sorrows; from which,” saith Piso, “this disease primarily proceeds, and takes his first occasion or beginning, by doing something or other that shall be opposite unto them, thinking of something else, persuading by reason, or howsoever to make a sudden alteration of them.”  Though he have hitherto run in a full career, and precipitated himself, following his passions, giving reins to his appetite, let him now stop upon a sudden, curb himself in; and as [3408]Lemnius adviseth, “strive against with all his power, to the utmost of his endeavour, and not cherish those fond imaginations, which so covertly creep into his mind, most pleasing and amiable at first, but bitter as gall at last, and so headstrong, that by no reason, art, counsel, or persuasion, they may be shaken off.”  Though he be far gone, and habituated unto such fantastical imaginations, yet as [3409]Tully and Plutarch advise, let him oppose, fortify, or prepare himself against them, by premeditation, reason, or as we do by a crooked staff, bend himself another way.

[3410] “Tu tamen interea effugito quae tristia mentem
        Solicitant, procul esse jube curasque metumque
        Pallentum, ultrices iras, sint omnia laeta.”

       “In the meantime expel them from thy mind,
        Pale fears, sad cares, and griefs which do it grind,
        Revengeful anger, pain and discontent,
        Let all thy soul be set on merriment.”

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Curas tolle graves, irasci crede profanum.  If it be idleness hath caused this infirmity, or that he perceive himself given to solitariness, to walk alone, and please his mind with fond imaginations, let him by all means avoid it; ’tis a bosom enemy, ’tis delightsome melancholy, a friend in show, but a secret devil, a sweet poison, it will in the end be his undoing; let him go presently, task or set himself a work, get some good company.  If he proceed, as a gnat flies about a candle, so long till at length he burn his bodv, so in the end he will undo himself:  if it be any harsh object, ill company, let him presently go from it.  If by his own default, through ill diet, bad air, want of exercise, &c., let him now begin to reform himself.  “It would be a perfect remedy against all corruption, if,” as [3411]Roger Bacon hath it, “we could but moderate ourselves in those six non-natural things.” [3412]"If it be any disgrace, abuse, temporal loss, calumny, death of friends, imprisonment, banishment, be not troubled with it, do not fear, be not angry, grieve not at it, but with all courage sustain it.” (Gordonius, lib. 1. c. 15. de conser. vit.) Tu contra audentior ito. [3413]If it be sickness, ill success, or any adversity that hath caused it, oppose an invincible courage, “fortify thyself by God’s word, or otherwise,” mala bonis persuadenda, set prosperity against adversity, as we refresh our eyes by seeing some pleasant meadow, fountain, picture, or the like:  recreate thy mind by some contrary object, with some more pleasing meditation divert thy thoughts.

Yea, but you infer again, facile consilium damus aliis, we can easily give counsel to others; every man, as the saying is, can tame a shrew but he that hath her; si hic esses, aliter sentires; if you were in our misery, you would find it otherwise, ’tis not so easily performed.  We know this to be true; we should moderate ourselves, but we are furiously carried, we cannot make use of such precepts, we are overcome, sick, male sani, distempered and habituated to these courses, we can make no resistance; you may as well bid him that is diseased not to feel pain, as a melancholy man not to fear, not to be sad:  ’tis within his blood, his brains, his whole temperature, it cannot be removed.  But he may choose whether he will give way too far unto it, he may in some sort correct himself.  A philosopher was bitten with a mad dog, and as the nature of that disease is to abhor all waters, and liquid things, and to think still they see the picture of a dog before them:  he went for all this, reluctante se, to the bath, and seeing there (as he thought) in the water the picture of a dog, with reason overcame this conceit, quid cani cum balneo? what should a dog do in a bath? a mere conceit.  Thou thinkest thou hearest and seest devils, black men, &c., ’tis not so, ’tis thy corrupt fantasy; settle thine imagination, thou art well.  Thou thinkest thou

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If then our judgment be so depraved, our reason overruled, will precipitated, that we cannot seek our own good, or moderate ourselves, as in this disease commonly it is, the best way for ease is to impart our misery to some friend, not to smother it up in our own breast:  aliter vitium crescitque tegendo, &c., and that which was most offensive to us, a cause of fear and grief, quod nunc te coquit, another hell; for [3417] strangulat inclusus dolor atque exaestuat intus, grief concealed strangles the soul; but when as we shall but impart it to some discreet, trusty, loving friend, it is [3418]instantly removed, by his counsel happily, wisdom, persuasion, advice, his good means, which we could not otherwise apply unto ourselves.  A friend’s counsel is a charm, like mandrake wine, curas sopit; and as a [3419]bull that is tied to a fig-tree becomes gentle on a sudden (which some, saith [3420]Plutarch, interpret of good words), so is a savage, obdurate heart mollified by fair speeches.  “All adversity finds ease in complaining” (as [3421]Isidore holds), “and ’tis a solace to relate it,” [3422][Greek:  Agathae de paraiphasis estin etairou].  Friends’ confabulations are comfortable at all times, as fire in winter, shade in summer, quale sopor fessis in gramine, meat and drink to him that is hungry or athirst; Democritus’s collyrium is not so sovereign to the eyes as this is to the heart; good words are cheerful and powerful of themselves, but much more from friends, as so many props, mutually sustaining each other like ivy and a wall, which Camerarius hath well illustrated in an emblem. Lenit animum simplex vel saepe narratio, the simple narration many times easeth our distressed mind, and in the midst of greatest extremities; so diverse have been relieved, by [3423]exonerating themselves to a faithful friend:  he sees that which we cannot see for passion and discontent, he pacifies our minds, he will ease our pain, assuage our anger; quanta inde voluptas, quanta securitas, Chrysostom adds, what pleasure, what security by that means! [3424]"Nothing so available, or that so much refresheth the soul of man.”  Tully, as I remember, in an epistle to his dear friend Atticus, much condoles the defect of such a friend. [3425]"I live here” (saith he) “in a great city, where I have a multitude of acquaintance, but not a man of all that company with whom I dare familiarly breathe, or freely jest.  Wherefore I expect thee, I desire thee, I send for thee; for there be many things which trouble and molest me, which had I but thee in presence, I could quickly disburden myself of in a walking discourse.”  The like, peradventure, may he and he say with that old man in the comedy,

[3426] “Nemo est meorum amicorum hodie,
        Apud quem expromere occulta mea audeam.”

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and much inconvenience may both he and he suffer in the meantime by it.  He or he, or whosoever then labours of this malady, by all means let him get some trusty friend, [3427]_Semper habens Pylademque aliquem qui curet Orestem_, a Pylades, to whom freely and securely he may open himself.  For as in all other occurrences, so it is in this, Si quis in coelum ascendisset, &c. as he said in [3428]Tully, if a man had gone to heaven, “seen the beauty of the skies,” stars errant, fixed, &c., insuavis erit admiratio, it will do him no pleasure, except he have somebody to impart what he hath seen.  It is the best thing in the world, as [3429]Seneca therefore adviseth in such a case, “to get a trusty friend, to whom we may freely and sincerely pour out our secrets; nothing so delighteth and easeth the mind, as when we have a prepared bosom, to which our secrets may descend, of whose conscience we are assured as our own, whose speech may ease our succourless estate, counsel relieve, mirth expel our mourning, and whose very sight may be acceptable unto us.”  It was the counsel which that politic [3430]Comineus gave to all princes, and others distressed in mind, by occasion of Charles Duke of Burgundy, that was much perplexed, “first to pray to God, and lay himself open to him, and then to some special friend, whom we hold most dear, to tell all our grievances to him; nothing so forcible to strengthen, recreate, and heal the wounded soul of a miserable man.”

SUBSECT.  II.—­Help from friends by counsel, comfort, fair and foul means, witty devices, satisfaction, alteration of his course of life, removing objects, &c.

When the patient of himself is not able to resist, or overcome these heart-eating passions, his friends or physician must be ready to supply that which is wanting. Suae erit humanitatis et sapientiae (which [3431] Tully enjoineth in like case) siquid erratum, curare, aut improvisum, sua diligentia corrigere. They must all join; nec satis medico, saith [3432] Hippocrates, suum fecisse officium, nisi suum quoque aegrotus, suum astantes, &c.  First, they must especially beware, a melancholy discontented person (be it in what kind of melancholy soever) never be left alone or idle:  but as physicians prescribe physic, cum custodia, let them not be left unto themselves, but with some company or other, lest by that means they aggravate and increase their disease; non oportet aegros humjusmodi esse solos vel inter ignotos, vel inter eos quos non amant aut negligunt, as Rod. a Fonseca, tom. 1. consul. 35. prescribes. Lugentes custodire solemus (saith [3433]Seneca) ne solitudine male utantur; we watch a sorrowful person, lest he abuse his solitariness, and so should we do a melancholy man; set him about some business, exercise or recreation, which may divert his thoughts, and still keep him otherwise intent; for his fantasy is so restless, operative and quick, that if it be

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If they may not otherwise be accustomed to brook such distasteful and displeasing objects, the best way then is generally to avoid them.  Montanus, consil. 229. to the Earl of Montfort, a courtier, and his melancholy patient, adviseth him to leave the court, by reason of those continual discontents, crosses, abuses, [3444]"cares, suspicions, emulations, ambition, anger, jealousy, which that place afforded, and which surely caused him to be so melancholy at the first:”  Maxima quaeque domus servis est plena superbis; a company of scoffers and proud jacks are commonly conversant and attend in such places, and able to make any man that is of a soft, quiet disposition (as many times they do) ex stulto insanum, if once they humour him, a very idiot, or stark mad.  A thing too much practised in all common societies, and they have no better sport than to make themselves merry by abusing some silly fellow, or to take advantage of another man’s weakness.  In such cases as in a plague, the best remedy is cito longe tarde:  (for to such a party, especially if he be apprehensive, there can be no greater misery) to get him quickly gone far enough off, and not to be overhasty in his return.  If he be so stupid that he do not apprehend it, his friends should take some order, and by their discretion supply that which is wanting in him, as in all other cases they ought to do.  If they see a man melancholy given, solitary, averse from company, please himself with such private and vain meditations, though he delight in it, they ought by all means seek to divert him, to dehort him, to tell him of the event and danger that may come of it.  If they see a man idle, that by reason of his means otherwise will betake himself to no course of life, they ought seriously

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[3446] “Oculum non curabis sine toto capite,
        Nec caput sine toto corpora,
        Nec totum corpus sine anima.”

If that may not be hoped or expected, yet ease him with comfort, cheerful speeches, fair promises, and good words, persuade him, advise him.  “Many,” saith [3447]Galen, “have been cured by good counsel and persuasion alone.”  “Heaviness of the heart of man doth bring it down, but a good word rejoiceth it,” Prov. xii. 25.  “And there is he that speaketh words like the pricking of a sword, but the tongue of a wise man is health,” ver. 18. Oratio, namque saucii animi est remedium, a gentle speech is the true cure of a wounded soul, as [3448]Plutarch contends out of Aeschylus and Euripides:  “if it be wisely administered it easeth grief and pain, as diverse remedies do many other diseases.”  ’Tis incantationis instar, a charm, aestuantis animi refrigerium, that true Nepenthe of Homer, which was no Indian plant, or feigned medicine, which Epidamna, Thonis’ wife, sent Helena for a token, as Macrobius, 7.  Saturnal. Goropius Hermat. lib. 9. Greg.  Nazianzen, and others suppose, but opportunity of speech:  for Helena’s bowl, Medea’s unction, Venus’s girdle, Circe’s cup, cannot so enchant, so forcibly move or alter as it doth.  A letter sent or read will do as much; multum allevor quum tuas literas lego, I am much eased, as [3449]Tully wrote to Pomponius Atticus, when I read thy letters, and as Julianus the Apostate once signified to Maximus the philosopher; as Alexander slept with Homer’s works, so do I with thine epistles, tanquam Paeoniis medicamentis, easque assidue tanquam, recentes et novas iteramus; scribe ergo, et assidue scribe, or else come thyself; amicus ad amicum venies.  Assuredly a wise and well-spoken man may do what he will in such a case; a good orator alone, as [3450]Tully holds, can alter affections by power of his eloquence, “comfort such as are afflicted, erect such as are depressed, expel and mitigate fear, lust, anger,” &c.  And how powerful is the charm of a discreet and dear friend? Ille regit dictis animos et temperat iras.  What may not he effect?  As [3451]Chremes told Menedemus, “Fear not, conceal it not, O friend! but tell me what it is that troubles thee, and I shall surely help thee by comfort, counsel, or in the matter itself.” [3452] Arnoldus, lib.

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When none of these precedent remedies will avail, it will not be amiss, which Savanarola and Aelian Montaltus so much commend, clavum clavo pellere, [3458]"to drive out one passion with another, or by some contrary passion,” as they do bleeding at nose by letting blood in the arm, to expel one fear with another, one grief with another. [3459] Christophorus a Vega accounts it rational physic, non alienum a ratione:  and Lemnius much approves it, “to use a hard wedge to a hard knot,” to drive out one disease with another, to pull out a tooth, or wound him, to geld him, saith [3460]Platerus, as they did epileptical patients of old, because it quite alters the temperature, that the pain of the one may mitigate the grief of the other; [3461]"and I knew one that was so cured of a quartan ague, by the sudden coming of his enemies upon him.”  If we may believe [3462]Pliny, whom Scaliger calls mendaciorum patrem, the father of lies, Q. Fabius Maximus, that renowned consul of Rome, in a battle fought with the king of the Allobroges, at the river Isaurus, was so rid of a quartan ague.  Valesius, in his controversies, holds this an excellent remedy, and if it be discreetly used in this malady, better than any physic.

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Sometimes again by some [3463]feigned lie, strange news, witty device, artificial invention, it is not amiss to deceive them. [3464]"As they hate those,” saith Alexander, “that neglect or deride, so they will give ear to such as will soothe them up.  If they say they have swallowed frogs or a snake, by all means grant it, and tell them you can easily cure it;” ’tis an ordinary thing.  Philodotus, the physician, cured a melancholy king, that thought his head was off, by putting a leaden cap thereon; the weight made him perceive it, and freed him of his fond imagination.  A woman, in the said Alexander, swallowed a serpent as she thought; he gave her a vomit, and conveyed a serpent, such as she conceived, into the basin; upon the sight of it she was amended.  The pleasantest dotage that ever I read, saith [3465]Laurentius, was of a gentleman at Senes in Italy, who was afraid to piss, lest all the town should be drowned; the physicians caused the bells to be rung backward, and told him the town was on fire, whereupon he made water, and was immediately cured.  Another supposed his nose so big that he should dash it against the wall if he stirred; his physician took a great piece of flesh, and holding it in his hand, pinched him by the nose, making him believe that flesh was cut from it.  Forestus, obs. lib. 1. had a melancholy patient, who thought he was dead, [3466]"he put a fellow in a chest, like a dead man, by his bedside, and made him rear himself a little, and eat:  the melancholy man asked the counterfeit, whether dead men use to eat meat?  He told him yea; whereupon he did eat likewise and was cured.”  Lemnius, lib. 2. cap. 6. de 4. complex, hath many such instances, and Jovianus Pontanus, lib. 4. cap. 2. of Wisd. of the like; but amongst the rest I find one most memorable, registered in the [3467]French chronicles of an advocate of Paris before mentioned, who believed verily he was dead, &c.  I read a multitude of examples of melancholy men cured by such artificial inventions.

SUBSECT.  III.—­Music a remedy.

Many and sundry are the means which philosophers and physicians have prescribed to exhilarate a sorrowful heart, to divert those fixed and intent cares and meditations, which in this malady so much offend; but in my judgment none so present, none so powerful, none so apposite as a cup of strong drink, mirth, music, and merry company.  Ecclus. xl. 20.  “Wine and music rejoice the heart.” [3468]Rhasis, cont. 9.  Tract. 15. Altomarus, cap. 7. Aelianus Montaltus, c. 26. Ficinus, Bened.  Victor.  Faventinus are almost immoderate in the commendation of it; a most forcible medicine [3469]Jacchinus calls it:  Jason Pratensis, “a most admirable thing, and worthy of consideration, that can so mollify the mind, and stay those tempestuous affections of it.” Musica est mentis medicina moestae, a roaring-meg against melancholy, to rear and revive the languishing soul; [3470]"affecting not only the

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Page 467

Arion made fishes follow him, which, as common experience evinceth, [3479] are much affected with music.  All singing birds are much pleased with it, especially nightingales, if we may believe Calcagninus; and bees amongst the rest, though they be flying away, when they hear any tingling sound, will tarry behind. [3480]"Harts, hinds, horses, dogs, bears, are exceedingly delighted with it.”  Scal, exerc. 302. Elephants, Agrippa adds, lib. 2. cap. 24. and in Lydia in the midst of a lake there be certain floating islands (if ye will believe it), that after music will dance.

But to leave all declamatory speeches in praise [3481]of divine music, I will confine myself to my proper subject:  besides that excellent power it hath to expel many other diseases, it is a sovereign remedy against [3482] despair and melancholy, and will drive away the devil himself.  Canus, a Rhodian fiddler, in [3483]Philostratus, when Apollonius was inquisitive to know what he could do with his pipe, told him, “That he would make a melancholy man merry, and him that was merry much merrier than before, a lover more enamoured, a religious man more devout.”  Ismenias the Theban, [3484]Chiron the centaur, is said to have cured this and many other diseases by music alone:  as now they do those, saith [3485]Bodine, that are troubled with St. Vitus’s Bedlam dance. [3486]Timotheus, the musician, compelled Alexander to skip up and down, and leave his dinner (like the tale of the Friar and the Boy), whom Austin, de civ.  Dei, lib. 17. cap. 14. so much commends for it.  Who hath not heard how David’s harmony drove away the evil spirits from king Saul, 1 Sam. xvi. and Elisha when he was much troubled by importunate kings, called for a minstrel, “and when he played, the hand of the Lord came upon him,” 2 Kings iii.  Censorinus de natali, cap. 12. reports how Asclepiades the physician helped many frantic persons by this means, phreneticorum mentes morbo turbatas—­Jason Pratensis, cap. de Mania, hath many examples, how Clinias and Empedocles cured some desperately melancholy, and some mad by this our music.  Which because it hath such excellent virtues, belike [3487]Homer brings in Phemius playing, and the Muses singing at the banquet of the gods.  Aristotle, Polit. l. 8. c. 5, Plato 2. de legibus, highly approve it, and so do all politicians.  The Greeks, Romans, have graced music, and made it one of the liberal sciences, though it be now become mercenary.  All civil Commonwealths allow it:  Cneius Manlius (as [3488]Livius relates) anno ab urb. cond. 567. brought first out of Asia to Rome singing wenches, players, jesters, and all kinds of music to their feasts.  Your princes, emperors, and persons of any quality, maintain it in their courts; no mirth without music.  Sir Thomas More, in his absolute Utopian commonwealth, allows music as an appendix to every meal, and that throughout, to all sorts.  Epictetus calls mensam

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SUBSECT.  IV.—­Mirth and merry company, fair objects, remedies.

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Mirth and merry company may not be separated from music, both concerning and necessarily required in this business.  “Mirth,” (saith [3495]Vives) “purgeth the blood, confirms health, causeth a fresh, pleasing, and fine colour,” prorogues life, whets the wit, makes the body young, lively and fit for any manner of employment.  The merrier the heart the longer the life; “A merry heart is the life of the flesh,” Prov. xiv. 30.  “Gladness prolongs his days,” Ecclus. xxx. 22; and this is one of the three Salernitan doctors, Dr. Merryman, Dr. Diet, Dr. Quiet, [3496]which cure all diseases—­Mens hilaris, requies, moderata dieta. [3497]Gomesius, praefat. lib. 3. de sal. gen. is a great magnifier of honest mirth, by which (saith he) “we cure many passions of the mind in ourselves, and in our friends;” which [3498]Galateus assigns for a cause why we love merry companions:  and well they deserve it, being that as [3499]Magninus holds, a merry companion is better than any music, and as the saying is, comes jucundus in via pro vehiculo, as a wagon to him that is wearied on the way. Jucunda confabulatio, sales, joci, pleasant discourse, jests, conceits, merry tales, melliti verborum globuli, as Petronius, [3500] Pliny, [3501]Spondanus, [3502]Caelius, and many good authors plead, are that sole Nepenthes of Homer, Helena’s bowl, Venus’s girdle, so renowned of old [3503]to expel grief and care, to cause mirth and gladness of heart, if they be rightly understood, or seasonably applied.  In a word,

[3504] “Amor, voluptas, Venus, gaudium,
        Jocus, ludus, sermo suavis, suaviatio.”

       “Gratification, pleasure, love, joy,
        Mirth, sport, pleasant words and no alloy,”

are the true Nepenthes.  For these causes our physicians generally prescribe this as a principal engine to batter the walls of melancholy, a chief antidote, and a sufficient cure of itself.  “By all means” (saith [3505] Mesue) “procure mirth to these men in such things as are heard, seen, tasted, or smelled, or any way perceived, and let them have all enticements and fair promises, the sight of excellent beauties, attires, ornaments, delightsome passages to distract their minds from fear and sorrow, and such things on which they are so fixed and intent.” [3506]"Let them use hunting, sports, plays, jests, merry company,” as Rhasis prescribes, “which will not let the mind be molested, a cup of good drink now and then, hear music, and have such companions with whom they are especially delighted;” [3507]"merry tales or toys, drinking, singing, dancing, and whatsoever else may procure mirth:”  and by no means, saith Guianerius, suffer them to be alone.  Benedictus Victorius Faventinus, in his empirics, accounts it an especial remedy against melancholy, [3508]"to hear and see singing, dancing, maskers, mummers, to converse with such merry fellows and fair maids.”  “For the beauty of a woman cheereth the countenance,”

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[3517] “Qui ubi se a vulgo et scena in secreta remorant,
        Virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Laeli,
        Nugari cum illo, et discincti ludere, donec
        Decoqueretur olus, soliti”------

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       “Valorous Scipio and gentle Laelius,
        Removed from the scene and rout so clamorous,
        Were wont to recreate themselves their robes laid by,
        Whilst supper by the cook was making ready.”

Machiavel, in the eighth book of his Florentine history, gives this note of Cosmo de Medici, the wisest and gravest man of his time in Italy, that he would [3518]"now and then play the most egregious fool in his carriage, and was so much given to jesters, players and childish sports, to make himself merry, that he that should but consider his gravity on the one part, his folly and lightness on the other, would surely say, there were two distinct persons in him.”  Now methinks he did well in it, though [3519] Salisburiensis be of opinion, that magistrates, senators, and grave men, should not descend to lighter sports, ne respublica ludere videatur:  but as Themistocles, still keep a stern and constant carriage.  I commend Cosmo de Medici and Castruccius Castrucanus, than whom Italy never knew a worthier captain, another Alexander, if [3520]Machiavel do not deceive us in his life:  “when a friend of his reprehended him for dancing beside his dignity,” (belike at some cushion dance) he told him again, qui sapit interdiu, vix unquam noctii desipit, he that is wise in the day may dote a little in the night.  Paulus Jovius relates as much of Pope Leo Decimus, that he was a grave, discreet, staid man, yet sometimes most free, and too open in his sports.  And ’tis not altogether [3521]unfit or misbeseeming the gravity of such a man, if that decorum of time, place, and such circumstances be observed. [3522]_Misce stultitiam consiliis brevem_—­and as [3523]he said in an epigram to his wife, I would have every man say to himself, or to his friend,

       “Moll, once in pleasant company by chance,
        I wished that you for company would dance: 
        Which you refus’d, and said, your years require,
        Now, matron-like, both manners and attire. 
        Well, Moll, if needs you will be matron-like,
        Then trust to this, I will thee matron-like: 
        Yet so to you my love, may never lessen,
        As you for church, house, bed, observe this lesson: 
        Sit in the church as solemn as a saint,
        No deed, word, thought, your due devotion taint: 
        Veil, if you will, your head, your soul reveal
        To him that only wounded souls can heal: 
        Be in my house as busy as a bee. 
        Having a sting for every one but me;
        Buzzing in every corner, gath’ring honey: 
        Let nothing waste, that costs or yieldeth money.
[3524] And when thou seest my heart to mirth incline,
        Thy tongue, wit, blood, warm with good cheer and wine: 
          Then of sweet sports let no occasion scape,
          But be as wanton, toying as an ape.”

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Those old [3525]Greeks had their Lubentiam Deam, goddess of pleasure, and the Lacedaemonians, instructed from Lycurgus, did Deo Risui sucrificare, after their wars especially, and in times of peace, which was used in Thessaly, as it appears by that of [3526]Apuleius, who was made an instrument of their laughter himself:  [3527]"Because laughter and merriment was to season their labours and modester life.” [3528]_Risus enim divum atque; hominum est aeterna voluptas_.  Princes use jesters, players, and have those masters of revels in their courts.  The Romans at every supper (for they had no solemn dinner) used music, gladiators, jesters, &c. as [3529]Suetonius relates of Tiberius, Dion of Commodus, and so did the Greeks.  Besides music, in Xenophon’s Sympos. Philippus ridendi artifex, Philip, a jester, was brought to make sport.  Paulus Jovius, in the eleventh book of his history, hath a pretty digression of our English customs, which howsoever some may misconstrue, I, for my part, will interpret to the best. [3530]"The whole nation beyond all other mortal men, is most given to banqueting and feasts; for they prolong them many hours together, with dainty cheer, exquisite music, and facete jesters, and afterwards they fall a dancing and courting their mistresses, till it be late in the night.”  Volateran gives the same testimony of this island, commending our jovial manner of entertainment and good mirth, and methinks he saith well, there is no harm in it; long may they use it, and all such modest sports.  Ctesias reports of a Persian king, that had 150 maids attending at his table, to play, sing, and dance by turns; and [3531]Lil.  Geraldus of an Egyptian prince, that kept nine virgins still to wait upon him, and those of most excellent feature, and sweet voices, which afterwards gave occasion to the Greeks of that fiction of the nine Muses.  The king of Ethiopia in Africa, most of our Asiatic princes have done so and do; those Sophies, Mogors, Turks, &c. solace themselves after supper amongst their queens and concubines, quae jucundioris oblectamenti causa ([3532]saith mine author) coram rege psallere et saltare consueverant, taking great pleasure to see and hear them sing and dance.  This and many such means to exhilarate the heart of men, have been still practised in all ages, as knowing there is no better thing to the preservation of man’s life.  What shall I say, then, but to every melancholy man,

[3533] “Utere convivis, non tristibus utere amicis,
        Quos nugae et risus, et joca salsa juvant.”

       “Feast often, and use friends not still so sad,
        Whose jests and merriments may make thee glad.”

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Use honest and chaste sports, scenical shows, plays, games; [3534] Accedant juvenumque Chori, mistaeque puellae.  And as Marsilius Ficinus concludes an epistle to Bernard Canisianus, and some other of his friends, will I this tract to all good students, [3535]"Live merrily, O my friends, free from cares, perplexity, anguish, grief of mind, live merrily,” laetitia caelum vos creavit:  [3536]"Again and again I request you to be merry, if anything trouble your hearts, or vex your souls, neglect and contemn it,” [3537]"let it pass.” [3538]"And this I enjoin you, not as a divine alone, but as a physician; for without this mirth, which is the life and quintessence of physic, medicines, and whatsoever is used and applied to prolong the life of man, is dull, dead, and of no force.” Dum fata sinunt, vivite laeti (Seneca), I say be merry.

[3539] “Nec lusibus virentem
        Viduemus hanc juventam.”

It was Tiresias the prophet’s council to [3540]Menippus, that travelled all the world over, even down to hell itself to seek content, and his last farewell to Menippus, to be merry. [3541]"Contemn the world” (saith he) “and count that is in it vanity and toys; this only covet all thy life long; be not curious, or over solicitous in anything, but with a well composed and contented estate to enjoy thyself, and above all things to be merry.”

[3542] “Si Numerus uti censet sine amore jocisque,
        Nil est jucundum, vivas in amore jocisque.”

Nothing better (to conclude with Solomon, Eccles. iii. 22), “than that a man should rejoice in his affairs.”  ’Tis the same advice which every physician in this case rings to his patient, as Capivaccius to his, [3543] “avoid overmuch study and perturbations of the mind, and as much as in thee lies live at heart’s-ease:”  Prosper Calenus to that melancholy Cardinal Caesius, [3544]"amidst thy serious studies and business, use jests and conceits, plays and toys, and whatsoever else may recreate thy mind.”  Nothing better than mirth and merry company in this malady. [3545]"It begins with sorrow” (saith Montanus), “it must be expelled with hilarity.”

But see the mischief; many men, knowing that merry company is the only medicine against melancholy, will therefore neglect their business; and in another extreme, spend all their days among good fellows in a tavern or an alehouse, and know not otherwise how to bestow their time but in drinking; malt-worms, men-fishes, or water-snakes, [3546]_Qui bibunt solum ranarum more, nihil comedentes_, like so many frogs in a puddle.  ’Tis their sole exercise to eat, and drink; to sacrifice to Volupia, Rumina, Edulica, Potina, Mellona, is all their religion.  They wish for Philoxenus’ neck, Jupiter’s trinoctium, and that the sun would stand still as in Joshua’s time, to satisfy their lust, that they might dies noctesque pergraecari et bibere.  Flourishing wits, and men of good parts, good fashion, and good worth, basely prostitute themselves to every rogue’s company, to take tobacco and drink, to roar and sing scurrilous songs in base places.

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[3547] “Invenies aliquem cum percussore jacentem,
        Permistum nautis, aut furibus, aut fugitivis.”

Which Thomas Erastus objects to Paracelsus, that he would be drinking all day long with carmen and tapsters in a brothel-house, is too frequent among us, with men of better note:  like Timocreon of Rhodes, multa bibens, et multa vorans, &c.  They drown their wits, seethe their brains in ale, consume their fortunes, lose their time, weaken their temperatures, contract filthy diseases, rheums, dropsies, calentures, tremor, get swollen jugulars, pimpled red faces, sore eyes, &c.; heat their livers, alter their complexions, spoil their stomachs, overthrow their bodies; for drink drowns more than the sea and all the rivers that fall into it (mere funges and casks), confound their souls, suppress reason, go from Scylla to Charybdis, and use that which is a help to their undoing. [3548]_Quid refert morbo an ferro pereamve ruina_? [3549]When the Black Prince went to set the exiled king of Castile into his kingdom, there was a terrible battle fought between the English and the Spanish:  at last the Spanish fled, the English followed them to the river side, where some drowned themselves to avoid their enemies, the rest were killed.  Now tell me what difference is between drowning and killing?  As good be melancholy still, as drunken beasts and beggars.  Company a sole comfort, and an only remedy to all kind of discontent, is their sole misery and cause of perdition.  As Hermione lamented in Euripides, malae mulieres me fecerunt malam.  Evil company marred her, may they justly complain, bad companions have been their bane.  For, [3550]_malus malum vult ut sit sui similis_; one drunkard in a company, one thief, one whoremaster, will by his goodwill make all the rest as bad as himself,

[3551]  ------“Et si
Nocturnos jures te formidare vapores,”

be of what complexion you will, inclination, love or hate, be it good or bad, if you come amongst them, you must do as they do; yea, [3552]though it be to the prejudice of your health, you must drink venenum pro vino.  And so like grasshoppers, whilst they sing over their cups all summer, they starve in winter; and for a little vain merriment shall find a sorrowful reckoning in the end.

SECT.  III.  MEMB.  I. A Consolatory Digression, containing the Remedies of all manner of Discontents.

Because in the preceding section I have made mention of good counsel, comfortable speeches, persuasion, how necessarily they are required to the cure of a discontented or troubled mind, how present a remedy they yield, and many times a sole sufficient cure of themselves; I have thought fit in this following section, a little to digress (if at least it be to digress in this subject), to collect and glean a few remedies, and comfortable speeches out of our best orators, philosophers, divines, and fathers of the church, tending to this purpose.  I confess, many

Page 475

“Words add no courage,” which [3556]Catiline once said to his soldiers, “a captain’s oration doth not make a coward a valiant man:”  and as Job [3557] feelingly said to his friends, “you are but miserable comforters all.”  ’Tis to no purpose in that vulgar phrase to use a company of obsolete sentences, and familiar sayings:  as [3558]Plinius Secundus, being now sorrowful and heavy for the departure of his dear friend Cornelius Rufus, a Roman senator, wrote to his fellow Tiro in like case, adhibe solatia, sed nova aliqua, sed fortia, quae audierim nunquam, legerim nunquam:  nam quae audivi, quae legi omnia, tanto dolore superantur, either say something that I never read nor heard of before, or else hold thy peace.  Most men will here except trivial consolations, ordinary speeches, and known persuasions in this behalf will be of small force; what can any man say that hath not been said?  To what end are such paraenetical discourses? you may as soon remove Mount Caucasus, as alter some men’s affections.  Yet sure I think they cannot choose but do some good, and comfort and ease a little, though

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Discontents and grievances are either general or particular; general are wars, plagues, dearths, famine, fires, inundations, unseasonable weather, epidemical diseases which afflict whole kingdoms, territories, cities; or peculiar to private men, [3561]as cares, crosses, losses, death of friends, poverty, want, sickness, orbities, injuries, abuses, &c.  Generally all discontent, [3562]_homines quatimur fortunae, salo_.  No condition free, quisque suos patimur manes.  Even in the midst of our mirth and jollity, there is some grudging, some complaint; as [3563]he saith, our whole life is a glycypicron, a bitter sweet passion, honey and gall mixed together, we are all miserable and discontent, who can deny it?  If all, and that it be a common calamity, an inevitable necessity, all distressed, then as Cardan infers, [3564]"who art thou that hopest to go free?  Why dost thou not grieve thou art a mortal man, and not governor of the world?” Ferre quam sortem patiuntur omnes, Nemo recuset, [3565]"If it be common to all, why should one man be more disquieted than another?” If thou alone wert distressed, it were indeed more irksome, and less to be endured; but when the calamity is common, comfort thyself with this, thou hast more fellows, Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris; ’tis not thy sole case, and why shouldst thou be so impatient? [3566]"Aye, but alas we are more miserable than others, what shall we do?  Besides private miseries, we live in perpetual fear and danger of common enemies:  we have Bellona’s whips, and pitiful outcries, for epithalamiums; for pleasant music, that fearful noise of ordnance, drums, and warlike trumpets still sounding in our ears; instead of nuptial torches, we have firing of towns and cities; for triumphs, lamentations; for joy, tears.” [3567]"So it is, and so it was, and so it ever will be.  He that refuseth to see and hear, to suffer this, is not fit to live in this world, and knows not the common condition of all men, to whom so long as they live, with a reciprocal course, joys and sorrows are annexed, and succeed one another.”  It is inevitable, it may not be avoided, and why then shouldst thou be so much troubled? Grave nihil est homini quod fert necessitas, as [3568]Tully deems out of an old poet, “that which is necessary cannot be grievous.”  If it be so, then comfort thyself in this, [3569]"that whether thou wilt or no,

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[3574]  ------“Usque adeo nulla est sincera voluptas,
Solicitumque aliquid laetis intervenit.”------

Heaven and earth are much unlike:  [3575]"Those heavenly bodies indeed are freely carried in their orbs without any impediment or interruption, to continue their course for innumerable ages, and make their conversions:  but men are urged with many difficulties, and have diverse hindrances, oppositions still crossing, interrupting their endeavours and desires, and no mortal man is free from this law of nature.”  We must not therefore hope to have all things answer our own expectation, to have a continuance of good success and fortunes, Fortuna nunquam perpetuo est bona.  And as Minutius Felix, the Roman consul, told that insulting Coriolanus, drunk with his good fortunes, look not for that success thou hast hitherto had; [3576]"It never yet happened to any man since the beginning of the world, nor ever will, to have all things according to his desire, or to whom fortune was never opposite and adverse.”  Even so it fell out to him as he foretold.  And so to others, even to that happiness of Augustus; though he were Jupiter’s almoner, Pluto’s treasurer, Neptune’s admiral, it could not secure him.  Such was Alcibiades’s fortune, Narsetes, that great Gonsalvus, and most famous men’s, that as [3577]Jovius concludes, “it is almost fatal to great princes, through their own default or otherwise circumvented with envy and malice, to lose their honours, and die contumeliously.”  ’Tis so, still hath been, and ever will be, Nihil est ab omni parte beatum,

       “There’s no perfection is so absolute,
        That some impurity doth not pollute.”

Whatsoever is under the moon is subject to corruption, alteration; and so long as thou livest upon earth look not for other. [3578]"Thou shalt not here find peaceable and cheerful days, quiet times, but rather clouds, storms, calumnies, such is our fate.”  And as those errant planets in their distinct orbs have their several motions, sometimes direct, stationary, retrograde, in apogee, perigee, oriental, occidental, combust, feral, free, and as our astrologers will,

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Yea, but thou thinkest thou art more miserable than the rest, other men are happy but in respect of thee, their miseries are but flea-bitings to thine, thou alone art unhappy, none so bad as thyself.  Yet if, as Socrates said, [3579]"All men in the world should come and bring their grievances together, of body, mind, fortune, sores, ulcers, madness, epilepsies, agues, and all those common calamities of beggary, want, servitude, imprisonment, and lay them on a heap to be equally divided, wouldst thou share alike, and take thy portion? or be as thou art?  Without question thou wouldst be as thou art.”  If some Jupiter should say, to give us all content,

[3580] “Jam faciam quod vultis; eris tu, qui modo miles,
        Mercator; tu consultus modo, rusticus; hinc vos,
        Vos hinc mutatis discedite partibus; eia
        Quid slatis? nolint.”

       “Well be’t so then; you master soldier
        Shall be a merchant; you sir lawyer
        A country gentlemen; go you to this,
        That side you; why stand ye? it’s well as ’tis.”

[3581]"Every man knows his own, but not others’ defects and miseries; and ’tis the nature of all men still to reflect upon themselves, their own misfortunes,” not to examine or consider other men’s, not to compare themselves with others:  To recount their miseries, but not their good gifts, fortunes, benefits, which they have, or ruminate on their adversity, but not once to think on their prosperity, not what they have, but what they want:  to look still on them that go before, but not on those infinite numbers that come after. [3582]"Whereas many a man would think himself in heaven, a pretty prince, if he had but the least part of that fortune which thou so much repinest at, abhorrest and accountest a most vile and wretched estate.”  How many thousands want that which thou hast? how many myriads of poor slaves, captives, of such as work day and night in coal-pits, tin-mines, with sore toil to maintain a poor living, of such as labour in body and mind, live in extreme anguish, and pain, all which thou art free from? O fortunatos nimium bona si sua norint:  Thou art most happy if thou couldst be content, and acknowledge thy happiness; [3583]_Rem carendo, non fruendo cognoscimus_, when thou shalt hereafter come to want that which thou now loathest, abhorrest, and art weary of, and tired with, when ’tis past thou wilt say thou wert most happy:  and after a little miss, wish with all thine heart thou hadst the same content again, mightst lead but such a life,

Page 479

       “Si tritura absit paleis sunt abdita grana,
        Nos crux mundanis separat a paleis:” 

       “As threshing separates from straw the corn,
        By crosses from the world’s chaff are we born.”

’Tis the very same which [3591]Chrysostom comments, hom. 2. in 3 Mat. “Corn is not separated but by threshing, nor men from worldly impediments but by tribulation.”  ’Tis that which [3592]Cyprian ingeminates, Ser. 4. de immort. ’Tis that which [3593]Hierom, which all the fathers inculcate, “so we are catechised for eternity.”  ’Tis that which the proverb insinuates. Nocumentum documentum; ’tis that which all the world rings in our ears. Deus unicum habet filium sine peccato, nullum sine flagello:  God, saith [3594]Austin, hath one son without sin, none without

Page 480

[3598] “Ite nunc fortes, ubi celsa magni
        Ducit exempli via, cur inertis
        Terga nudatis? superata tellus
                Sidera donat.”

Go on then merrily to heaven.  If the way be troublesome, and you in misery, in many grievances:  on the other side you have many pleasant sports, objects, sweet smells, delightsome tastes, music, meats, herbs, flowers, &c. to recreate your senses.  Or put case thou art now forsaken of the world, dejected, contemned, yet comfort thyself, as it was said to Agar in the wilderness, [3599]"God sees thee, he takes notice of thee:”  there is a God above that can vindicate thy cause, that can relieve thee.  And surely [3600]Seneca thinks he takes delight in seeing thee.  “The gods are well pleased when they see great men contending with adversity,” as we are to see men fight, or a man with a beast.  But these are toys in respect, [3601] “Behold,” saith he, “a spectacle worthy of God; a good man contented with his estate.”  A tyrant is the best sacrifice to Jupiter, as the ancients held, and his best object “a contented mind.”  For thy part then rest satisfied, “cast all thy care on him, thy burthen on him,” [3602]"rely on him, trust on him, and he shall nourish thee, care for thee, give thee thine heart’s desire;” say with David, “God is our hope and strength, in troubles ready to be found,” Psal. xlvi. 1. “for they that trust in the Lord shall be as Mount Zion, which cannot be removed,” Psal. cxxiv. 1. 2. “as the mountains are about Jerusalem, so is the Lord about his people, from henceforth and for ever.”

MEMB.  II.
Deformity of body, sickness, baseness of birth, peculiar discontents.

Particular discontents and grievances, are either of body, mind, or fortune, which as they wound the soul of man, produce this melancholy, and many great inconveniences, by that antidote of good counsel and persuasion may be eased or expelled.  Deformities and imperfections of our bodies, as lameness, crookedness, deafness, blindness, be they innate or accidental, torture many men:  yet this may comfort them, that those imperfections of the body do not a whit blemish the soul, or hinder the operations of it, but rather help and much increase it.  Thou art lame of body, deformed to the eye, yet this hinders not but that thou mayst be a good, a wise, upright, honest man. [3603]"Seldom,” saith Plutarch, “honesty and beauty dwell together,” and oftentimes under

Page 481

Page 482

[3616] “Qui ut magnus Orion,
        Cum pedes incedit, medii per maxima Nerei
        Stagna, viam findens humero supereminet undas.”

       “Like tall Orion stalking o’er the flood: 
        When with his brawny breast he cuts the waves,
        His shoulder scarce the topmost billow laves.”

What in Maximinus, Ajax, Caligula, and the rest of those great Zanzummins, or gigantical Anakims, heavy, vast, barbarous lubbers?

[3617]  ------“si membra tibi dant grandia Parcae,
Mentis eges?”

Their body, saith [3618]Lemnius, “is a burden to them, and their spirits not so lively, nor they so erect and merry:”  Non est in magno corpore mica salis:  a little diamond is more worth than a rocky mountain:  which made Alexander Aphrodiseus positively conclude, “The lesser, the [3619]wiser, because the soul was more contracted in such a body.”  Let Bodine in his 5. c. method, hist. plead the rest; the lesser they are, as in Asia, Greece, they have generally the finest wits.  And for bodily stature which some so much admire, and goodly presence, ’tis true, to say the best of them, great men are proper, and tall, I grant,—­caput inter nubila condunt, (hide their heads in the clouds); but belli pusilli little men are pretty:  Sed si bellus homo est Cotta, pusillus homo est.  Sickness, diseases, trouble many, but without a cause; [3620]"It may be ’tis for the good of their souls:”  Pars fati fuit, the flesh rebels against the spirit; that which hurts the one, must needs help the other.  Sickness is the mother of modesty, putteth us in mind of our mortality; and when we are in the full career of worldly pomp and jollity, she pulleth us by the ear, and maketh us know ourselves. [3621]Pliny calls it, the sum of philosophy, “If we could but perform that in our health, which we promise in our sickness.” Quum infirmi sumus, optimi sumus; [3622]for what sick man (as [3623] Secundus expostulates with Rufus) was ever “lascivious, covetous, or ambitious? he envies no man, admires no man, flatters no man, despiseth no man, listens not after lies and tales,” &c.  And were it not for such gentle remembrances, men would have no moderation of themselves, they would be worse than tigers, wolves, and lions:  who should keep them in awe? “princes, masters, parents, magistrates, judges, friends, enemies, fair or foul means cannot contain us, but a little sickness,” (as [3624]Chrysostom

Page 483

Baseness of birth is a great disparagement to some men, especially if they be wealthy, bear office, and come to promotion in a commonwealth; then (as [3628]he observes) if their birth be not answerable to their calling, and to their fellows, they are much abashed and ashamed of themselves.  Some scorn their own father and mother, deny brothers and sisters, with the rest of their kindred and friends, and will not suffer them to come near them, when they are in their pomp, accounting it a scandal to their greatness to have such beggarly beginnings.  Simon in Lucian, having now got a little wealth, changed his name from Simon to Simonides, for that there were so many beggars of his kin, and set the house on fire where he was born, because no body should point at it.  Others buy titles, coats of arms, and by all means screw themselves into ancient families, falsifying pedigrees, usurping scutcheons, and all because they would not seem to be base.  The reason is, for that this gentility is so much admired by a company of outsides, and such honour attributed unto it, as amongst [3629]Germans, Frenchmen, and Venetians, the gentry scorn the commonalty, and will not suffer them to match with them; they depress, and make them as so many asses, to carry burdens.  In our ordinary talk and fallings out, the most opprobrious and scurrile name we can fasten upon a man, or first give, is to call him base rogue, beggarly rascal, and the like:  Whereas in my judgment, this ought of all other grievances to trouble

Page 484

Page 485

Page 486

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Page 488

Let no terrae filius, or upstart, insult at this which I have said, no worthy gentleman take offence.  I speak it not to detract from such as are well deserving, truly virtuous and noble:  I do much respect and honour true gentry and nobility; I was born of worshipful parents myself, in an ancient family, but I am a younger brother, it concerns me not:  or had I been some great heir, richly endowed, so minded as I am, I should not have been elevated at all, but so esteemed of it, as of all other human happiness, honours, &c., they have their period, are brittle and inconstant.  As [3668] he said of that great river Danube, it riseth from a small fountain, a little brook at first, sometimes broad, sometimes narrow, now slow, then swift, increased at last to an incredible greatness by the confluence of sixty navigable rivers, it vanisheth in conclusion, loseth his name, and is suddenly swallowed up of the Euxine sea:  I may say of our greatest families, they were mean at first, augmented by rich marriages, purchases, offices, they continue for some ages, with some little alteration of circumstances, fortunes, places, &c., by some prodigal son, for some default, or for want of issue they are defaced in an instant, and their memory blotted out.

Page 489

So much in the mean time I do attribute to Gentility, that if he be well-descended, of worshipful or noble parentage, he will express it in his conditions,

[3669]  ------“nec enim feroces
Progenerant aquilae columbas.”

And although the nobility of our times be much like our coins, more in number and value, but less in weight and goodness, with finer stamps, cuts, or outsides than of old; yet if he retain those ancient characters of true gentry, he will be more affable, courteous, gently disposed, of fairer carriage, better temper, or a more magnanimous, heroical, and generous spirit, than that vulgus hominum, those ordinary boors and peasants, qui adeo improbi, agrestes, et inculti plerumque sunt, ne dicam maliciosi, ut nemini ullum humanitatis officium praestent, ne ipsi Deo si advenerit, as [3670]one observes of them, a rude, brutish, uncivil, wild, a currish generation, cruel and malicious, incapable of discipline, and such as have scarce common sense.  And it may be generally spoken of all, which [3671] Lemnius the physician said of his travel into England, the common people were silly, sullen, dogged clowns, sed mitior nobilitas, ad omne humanitatis officium paratissima, the gentlemen were courteous and civil.  If it so fall out (as often it doth) that such peasants are preferred by reason of their wealth, chance, error, &c., or otherwise, yet as the cat in the fable, when she was turned to a fair maid, would play with mice; a cur will be a cur, a clown will be a clown, he will likely savour of the stock whence he came, and that innate rusticity can hardly be shaken off.

[3672] “Licet superbus ambulet pecunia,
        Fortuna non mutat genus.”

And though by their education such men may be better qualified, and more refined; yet there be many symptoms by which they may likely be descried, an affected fantastical carriage, a tailor-like spruceness, a peculiar garb in all their proceedings; choicer than ordinary in his diet, and as [3673] Hierome well describes such a one to his Nepotian; “An upstart born in a base cottage, that scarce at first had coarse bread to fill his hungry guts, must now feed on kickshaws and made dishes, will have all variety of flesh and fish, the best oysters,” &c.  A beggar’s brat will be commonly more scornful, imperious, insulting, insolent, than another man of his rank:  “Nothing so intolerable as a fortunate fool,” as [3674]Tully found out long since out of his experience; Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum, set a beggar on horseback, and he will ride a gallop, a gallop, &c.

[3675]  ------“desaevit in omnes
Dum se posse putat, nec bellua saevior ulla est,
Quam servi rabies in libera colla furentis;”

he forgets what he was, domineers, &c., and many such other symptoms he hath, by which you may know him from a true gentleman.  Many errors and obliquities are on both sides, noble, ignoble, factis, natis;

Page 490

MEMB.  III.
Against Poverty and Want, with such other Adversities.

One of the greatest miseries that can befall a man, in the world’s esteem, is poverty or want, which makes men steal, bear false witness, swear, forswear, contend, murder and rebel, which breaketh sleep, and causeth death itself. [Greek:  ouden penias baruteron esti phortion], no burden (saith [3677]Menander) so intolerable as poverty:  it makes men desperate, it erects and dejects, census honores, census amicitias; money makes, but poverty mars, &c. and all this in the world’s esteem:  yet if considered aright, it is a great blessing in itself, a happy estate, and yields no cause of discontent, or that men should therefore account themselves vile, hated of God, forsaken, miserable, unfortunate.  Christ himself was poor, born in a manger, and had not a house to hide his head in all his life, [3678]"lest any man should make poverty a judgment of God, or an odious estate.”  And as he was himself, so he informed his Apostles and Disciples, they were all poor, Prophets poor, Apostles poor, (Act. iii.  “Silver and gold have I none.”) “As sorrowing” (saith Paul) “and yet always rejoicing; as having nothing, and yet possessing all things,” 1 Cor. vi. 10.  Your great Philosophers have been voluntarily poor, not only Christians, but many others.  Crates Thebanus was adored for a God in Athens, [3679]"a nobleman by birth, many servants he had, an honourable attendance, much wealth, many manors, fine apparel; but when he saw this, that all the wealth of the world

Page 491

[3686]  ------“turpi fregerunt saecula luxu
Divitiae molles”------

with their variety of dishes, many such maladies of body and mind get in, which the poor man knows not of.  As Saturn in [3687]Lucian answered the discontented commonalty, (which because of their neglected Saturnal feasts in Rome, made a grievous complaint and exclamation against rich men) that they were much mistaken in supposing such happiness in riches; [3688]"you see the best” (said he) “but you know not their several gripings and discontents:”  they are like painted walls, fair without, rotten within:  diseased, filthy, crazy, full of intemperance’s effects; [3689]"and who can reckon half? if you but knew their fears, cares, anguish of mind and vexation, to which they are subject, you would hereafter renounce all riches.”

Page 492

[3690] “O si pateant pectora divitum,
        Quantos intus sublimis agit
        Fortuna metus?  Brutia Coro
        Pulsante fretum mitior unda est.”

       “O that their breasts were but conspicuous,
        How full of fear within, how furious? 
        The narrow seas are not so boisterous.”

Yea, but he hath the world at will that is rich, the good things of the earth:  suave est de magno tollere acervo, (it is sweet to draw from a great heap) he is a happy man, [3691]adored like a god, a prince, every man seeks to him, applauds, honours, admires him.  He hath honours indeed, abundance of all things; but (as I said) withal [3692]"pride, lust, anger, faction, emulation, fears, cares, suspicion enter with his wealth;” for his intemperance he hath aches, crudities, gouts, and as fruits of his idleness, and fullness, lust, surfeiting and drunkenness, all manner of diseases:  pecuniis augetur improbitas, the wealthier, the more dishonest. [3693]"He is exposed to hatred, envy, peril and treason, fear of death, degradation,” &c. ’tis lubrica statio et proxima praecipitio, and the higher he climbs, the greater is his fall.

[3694]  ------“celsae graviore casu
Decidunt turres, feriuntque summos”

Fulgura montes, the lightning commonly sets on fire the highest towers; [3695]in the more eminent place he is, the more subject to fall.

       “Rumpitur innumeris arbos uberrima pomis,
        Et subito nimiae praecipitantur opes.”

As a tree that is heavy laden with fruit breaks her own boughs, with their own greatness they ruin themselves:  which Joachimus Camerarius hath elegantly expressed in his 13 Emblem cent. 1. Inopem se copia fecit.  Their means is their misery, though they do apply themselves to the times, to lie, dissemble, collogue and flatter their lieges, obey, second his will and commands as much as may be, yet too frequently they miscarry, they fat themselves like so many hogs, as [3696]Aeneas Sylvius observes, that when they are full fed, they may be devoured by their princes, as Seneca by Nero was served, Sejanus by Tiberius, and Haman by Ahasuerus:  I resolve with Gregory, potestas culminis, est tempestas mentis; et quo dignitas altior, casus gravior, honour is a tempest, the higher they are elevated, the more grievously depressed.  For the rest of his prerogatives which wealth affords, as he hath more his expenses are the greater.  “When goods increase, they are increased that eat them; and what good cometh to the owners, but the beholding thereof with the eyes?” Eccles. iv. 10.

[3697] “Millia frumenti tua triverit area centum,
Non tuus hinc capiet venter plus quam meus”------

“an evil sickness,” Solomon calls it, “and reserved to them for an evil,” 12 verse.  “They that will be rich fall into many fears and temptations, into many foolish and noisome lusts, which drown men in perdition.”

Page 493

[3699] “Non possidentem multa vocaveris
        Recte beatum; rectius occupat
        Nomen beati, qui deorum
        Muneribus sapienter uti,
        Duramque callet pauperiem pati,
        Pejusque laetho flagitium timet.”

       “He is not happy that is rich,
        And hath the world at will,
        But he that wisely can God’s gifts
        Possess and use them still: 
        That suffers and with patience
        Abides hard poverty,
        And chooseth rather for to die;
        Than do such villainy.”

Wherein now consists his happiness? what privileges hath he more than other men? or rather what miseries, what cares and discontents hath he not more than other men?

[3700] “Non enim gazae, neque consularis
        Summovet lictor miseros tumultus
        Mentis, et curas laqueata circum
                Tecta volantes.”

       “Nor treasures, nor majors officers remove
          The miserable tumults of the mind: 
        Or cares that lie about, or fly above
          Their high-roofed houses, with huge beams combin’d.”

’Tis not his wealth can vindicate him, let him have Job’s inventory, sint Craesi et Crassi licet, non hos Pactolus aureas undas agens, eripiat unquum e miseriis, Croesus or rich Crassus cannot now command health, or get himself a stomach. [3701]"His worship,” as Apuleius describes him, “in all his plenty and great provision, is forbidden to eat, or else hath no appetite,” (sick in bed, can take no rest, sore grieved with some chronic disease, contracted with full diet and ease, or troubled in mind) “when as, in the meantime, all his household are merry, and the poorest servant that he keeps doth continually feast.”  ’Tis Bracteata felicitas, as [3702] Seneca terms it, tinfoiled happiness, infelix felicitas, an unhappy kind of happiness, if it be happiness at all.  His gold, guard, clattering of harness, and fortifications against outward enemies, cannot free him from inward fears and cares.

Page 494

       “Reveraque metus hominum, curaeque sequaces
        Nec metuunt fremitus armorum, aut ferrea tela,
        Audacterque inter reges, regumque potentes
        Versantur, neque fulgorem reverentur ab auro.”

       “Indeed men still attending fears and cares
        Nor armours clashing, nor fierce weapons fears: 
        With kings converse they boldly, and kings peers,
        Fearing no flashing that from gold appears.”

Look how many servants he hath, and so many enemies he suspects; for liberty he entertains ambition; his pleasures are no pleasures; and that which is worst, he cannot be private or enjoy himself as other men do, his state is a servitude. [3703]A countryman may travel from kingdom to kingdom, province to province, city to city, and glut his eyes with delightful objects, hawk, hunt, and use those ordinary disports, without any notice taken, all which a prince or a great man cannot do.  He keeps in for state, ne majestatis dignitas evilescat, as our China kings, of Borneo, and Tartarian Chams, those aurea mancipia, are said to do, seldom or never seen abroad, ut major sit hominum erga se observantia, which the [3704]Persian kings so precisely observed of old.  A poor man takes more delight in an ordinary meal’s meat, which he hath but seldom, than they do with all their exotic dainties and continual viands; Quippe voluptatem commendat rarior usus, ’tis the rarity and necessity that makes a thing acceptable and pleasant.  Darius, put to flight by Alexander, drank puddle water to quench his thirst, and it was pleasanter, he swore, than any wine or mead.  All excess, as [3705]Epictetus argues, will cause a dislike; sweet will be sour, which made that temperate Epicurus sometimes voluntarily fast.  But they being always accustomed to the same [3706]dishes, (which are nastily dressed by slovenly cooks, that after their obscenities never wash their bawdy hands) be they fish, flesh, compounded, made dishes, or whatsoever else, are therefore cloyed; nectar’s self grows loathsome to them, they are weary of all their fine palaces, they are to them but as so many prisons.  A poor man drinks in a wooden dish, and eats his meat in wooden spoons, wooden platters, earthen vessels, and such homely stuff:  the other in gold, silver, and precious stones; but with what success? in auro bibitur venenum, fear of poison in the one, security in the other.  A poor man is able to write, to speak his mind, to do his own business himself; locuples mittit parasitum, saith [3707]Philostratus, a rich man employs a parasite, and as the major of a city, speaks by the town clerk, or by Mr. Recorder, when he cannot express himself. [3708]Nonius the senator hath a purple coat as stiff with jewels as his mind is full of vices; rings on his fingers worth 20,000 sesterces, and as [3709]Perox the Persian king, an union in his ear worth one hundred pounds weight of gold:  [3710]Cleopatra hath whole boars and sheep served up to her table at once, drinks jewels dissolved, 40,000 sesterces in value; but to what end?

Page 495

[3711] “Num tibi cum fauces urit sitis, aurea quaeris
Pocula?”------

Doth a man that is adry desire to drink in gold?  Doth not a cloth suit become him as well, and keep him as warm, as all their silks, satins, damasks, taffeties and tissues?  Is not homespun cloth as great a preservative against cold, as a coat of Tartar lamb’s-wool, died in grain, or a gown of giant’s beards?  Nero, saith [3712]Sueton., never put on one garment twice, and thou hast scarce one to put on? what’s the difference? one’s sick, the other sound:  such is the whole tenor of their lives, and that which is the consummation and upshot of all, death itself makes the greatest difference.  One like a hen feeds on the dunghill all his days, but is served up at last to his Lord’s table; the other as a falcon is fed with partridge and pigeons, and carried on his master’s fist, but when he dies is flung to the muck-hill, and there lies.  The rich man lives like Dives jovially here on earth, temulentus divitiis, make the best of it; and “boasts himself in the multitude of his riches,” Psalm xlix. 6. 11. he thinks his house “called after his own name,” shall continue for ever; “but he perisheth like a beast,” verse 20. “his way utters his folly,” verse 13. male parta, male dilabuntur; “like sheep they lie in the grave,” verse 14. Puncto descendunt ad infernum, “they spend their days in wealth, and go suddenly down to hell,” Job xxi. 13.  For all physicians and medicines enforcing nature, a swooning wife, families’ complaints, friends’ tears, dirges, masses, naenias, funerals, for all orations, counterfeit hired acclamations, eulogiums, epitaphs, hearses, heralds, black mourners, solemnities, obelisks, and Mausolean tombs, if he have them, at least, [3713]he, like a hog, goes to hell with a guilty conscience (propter hos dilatavit infernos os suum), and a poor man’s curse; his memory stinks like the snuff of a candle when it is put out; scurrilous libels, and infamous obloquies accompany him.  When as poor Lazarus is Dei sacrarium, the temple of God, lives and dies in true devotion, hath no more attendants, but his own innocency, the heaven a tomb, desires to be dissolved, buried in his mother’s lap, and hath a company of [3714]Angels ready to convey his soul into Abraham’s bosom, he leaves an everlasting and a sweet memory behind him.  Crassus and Sylla are indeed still recorded, but not so much for their wealth as for their victories:  Croesus for his end, Solomon for his wisdom.  In a word, [3715]"to get wealth is a great trouble, anxiety to keep, grief to lose it.”

[3716] “Quid dignum stolidis mentibus imprecer? 
        Opes, honores ambiant: 
        Et cum falsa gravi mole paraverint,
        Tum vera cognoscant bona.”

Page 496

But consider all those other unknown, concealed happinesses, which a poor man hath (I call them unknown, because they be not acknowledged in the world’s esteem, or so taken) O fortunatos nimium bona si sua norint:  happy they are in the meantime if they would take notice of it, make use, or apply it to themselves.  “A poor man wise is better than a foolish king,” Eccles. ii. 13. [3717]"Poverty is the way to heaven,” [3718]"the mistress of philosophy,” [3719]"the mother of religion, virtue, sobriety, sister of innocency, and an upright mind.”  How many such encomiums might I add out of the fathers, philosophers, orators?  It troubles many that are poor, they account of it as a great plague, curse, a sign of God’s hatred, ipsum scelus, damned villainy itself, a disgrace, shame and reproach; but to whom, or why? [3720]"If fortune hath envied me wealth, thieves have robbed me, my father have not left me such revenues as others have,” that I am a younger brother, basely born,—­cui sine luce genus, surdumque parentum—­nomen, of mean parentage, a dirt-dauber’s son, am I therefore to be blamed? “an eagle, a bull, a lion is not rejected for his poverty, and why should a man?” ’Tis [3721]_fortunae telum, non culpae_, fortune’s fault, not mine.  “Good Sir, I am a servant,” (to use [3722]Seneca’s words) “howsoever your poor friend; a servant, and yet your chamber-fellow, and if you consider better of it, your fellow-servant.”  I am thy drudge in the world’s eyes, yet in God’s sight peradventure thy better, my soul is more precious, and I dearer unto him. Etiam servi diis curae sunt, as Evangelus at large proves in Macrobius, the meanest servant is most precious in his sight.  Thou art an epicure, I am a good Christian; thou art many parasangs before me in means, favour, wealth, honour, Claudius’s Narcissus, Nero’s Massa, Domitian’s Parthenius, a favourite, a golden slave; thou coverest thy floors with marble, thy roofs with gold, thy walls with statues, fine pictures, curious hangings, &c., what of all this? calcas opes, &c., what’s all this to true happiness?  I live and breathe under that glorious heaven, that august capitol of nature, enjoy the brightness of stars, that clear light of sun and moon, those infinite creatures, plants, birds, beasts, fishes, herbs, all that sea and land afford, far surpassing all that art and opulentia can give.  I am free, and which [3723]Seneca said of Rome, culmen liberos texit, sub marmore et auro postea servitus habitavit, thou hast Amaltheae cornu, plenty, pleasure, the world at will, I am despicable and poor; but a word overshot, a blow in choler, a game at tables, a loss at sea, a sudden fire, the prince’s dislike, a little sickness, &c., may make us equal in an instant; howsoever take thy time, triumph and insult awhile, cinis aequat, as [3724]Alphonsus said, death will equalise us all at last.  I live sparingly, in the mean time, am clad homely, fare hardly; is this

Page 497

       “Beatus ille qui procul negotiis
        Paterna rura bobus exercet suis.”

Happy he, in that he is [3727]freed from the tumults of the world, he seeks no honours, gapes after no preferment, flatters not, envies not, temporiseth not, but lives privately, and well contented with his estate;

       “Nec spes corde avidas, nec curam pascit inanem
        Securus quo fata cadant.”

He is not troubled with state matters, whether kingdoms thrive better by succession or election; whether monarchies should be mixed, temperate, or absolute; the house of Ottomans and Austria is all one to him; he inquires not after colonies or new discoveries; whether Peter were at Rome, or Constantine’s donation be of force; what comets or new stars signify, whether the earth stand or move, there be a new world in the moon, or infinite worlds, &c.  He is not touched with fear of invasions, factions or emulations;

[3728] “Felix ille animi, divisque simillimus ipsis,
        Quem non mordaci resplendens gloria fuco
        Solicitat, non fastosi mala gaudia luxus,
        Sed tacitos sinit ire dies, et paupere cultu
[3729] Exigit innocuae tranquilla silentia vitae.

       “A happy soul, and like to God himself,
        Whom not vain glory macerates or strife. 
        Or wicked joys of that proud swelling pelf,
        But leads a still, poor, and contented life.”

A secure, quiet, blissful state he hath, if he could acknowledge it.  But here is the misery, that he will not take notice of it; he repines at rich men’s wealth, brave hangings, dainty fare, as [3730]Simonides objected to Hieron, he hath all the pleasures of the world, [3731]_in lectis eburneis dormit, vinum phialis bibit, optimis unguentis delibuitur_, “he knows not the affliction of Joseph, stretching himself on ivory beds, and singing to the sound of the viol.”  And it troubles him that he hath not the like:  there is a difference (he grumbles) between Laplolly and Pheasants, to tumble i’ th’ straw and lie in a down bed, betwixt wine and water, a cottage and a palace.  “He hates nature” (as [3732]Pliny characterised him) “that she hath made him lower than a god, and is angry with the gods that any man goes before him;”

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[3737]  ------“Novus incola venit;
Nam propriae telluris herum natura, neque illum. 
Nec me, nec quenquam statuit; nos expulit ille: 
Illum aut nequities, aut vafri inscitia juris.”

------“have we liv’d at a more frugal rate,
Since this new stranger seiz’d on our estate? 
Nature will no perpetual heir assign,
Or make the farm his property or mine. 
He turn’d us out:  but follies all his own,
Or lawsuits and their knaveries yet unknown,
Or, all his follies and his lawsuits past,
Some long-liv’d heir shall turn him out at last.”

A lawyer buys out his poor client, after a while his client’s posterity buy out him and his; so things go round, ebb and flow.

       “Nunc ager Umbreni sub nomine, nuper Ofelli
        Dictus erat, nulli proprius, sed cedit in usum
        Nunc mihi, nunc aliis;”------

       “The farm, once mine, now bears Umbrenus’ name;
        The use alone, not property, we claim;
        Then be not with your present lot depressed,
        And meet the future with undaunted breast;”

as he said then, ager cujus, quot habes Dominos?  So say I of land, houses, movables and money, mine today, his anon, whose tomorrow?  In fine, (as [3738]Machiavel observes) “virtue and prosperity beget rest; rest idleness; idleness riot; riot destruction from which we come again to good laws; good laws engender virtuous actions; virtue, glory, and prosperity;” “and ’tis no dishonour then” (as Guicciardine adds) “for a flourishing man, city, or state to come to ruin,” [3739]"nor infelicity to be subject to the law of nature.” Ergo terrena calcanda, sitienda coelestia, (therefore I say) scorn this transitory state, look up to heaven, think not what others are, but what thou art:  [3740]_Qua parte locatus es in re_:  and what thou shalt be, what thou mayst be.  Do (I say) as Christ himself did, when he lived here on earth, imitate him as much as in thee lies.  How many great Caesars, mighty monarchs, tetrarchs, dynasties, princes lived in his days, in what plenty, what delicacy, how bravely attended, what a deal of gold and silver, what treasure, how many sumptuous palaces had they, what provinces and cities, ample territories, fields, rivers, fountains, parks, forests, lawns, woods, cells, &c.?  Yet Christ had none of all this, he would have none of this, he voluntarily rejected all this, he could not be ignorant, he could not err in his choice, he contemned all this, he chose that which was safer, better, and more certain, and less to be repented, a mean estate, even poverty itself; and why dost thou then doubt to follow him, to imitate him, and his apostles, to imitate all good men:  so do thou tread in his divine steps, and thou shalt not err eternally, as too many worldlings do, that run on in their own dissolute courses, to their confusion and ruin, thou shalt not do amiss.  Whatsoever thy fortune is, be contented with it, trust in him, rely on him, refer thyself wholly to him. 

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Yea, but their present estate crucifies and torments most mortal men, they have no such forecast, to see what may be, what shall likely be, but what is, though not wherefore, or from whom, hoc anget, their present misfortunes grind their souls, and an envious eye which they cast upon other men’s prosperities, Vicinumque pecus grandius uber habet, how rich, how fortunate, how happy is he?  But in the meantime he doth not consider the other miseries, his infirmities of body and mind, that accompany his estate, but still reflects upon his own false conceived woes and wants, whereas if the matter were duly examined, [3741]he is in no distress at all, he hath no cause to complain.

[3742]  ------“tolle querelas,
Pauper enim non est cui rerum suppetit usus,”

       “Then cease complaining, friend, and learn to live. 
        He is not poor to whom kind fortune grants,
        Even with a frugal hand, what Nature wants.”

he is not poor, he is not in need. [3743]"Nature is content with bread and water; and he that can rest satisfied with that, may contend with Jupiter himself for happiness.”  In that golden age, [3744]_somnos dedit umbra salubres, potum quoque lubricus amnis_, the tree gave wholesome shade to sleep under, and the clear rivers drink.  The Israelites drank water in the wilderness; Samson, David, Saul, Abraham’s servant when he went for Isaac’s wife, the Samaritan woman, and how many besides might I reckon up, Egypt, Palestine, whole countries in the [3745]Indies, that drank pure water all their lives. [3746]The Persian kings themselves drank no other drink than the water of Chaospis, that runs by Susa, which was carried in bottles after them, whithersoever they went.  Jacob desired no more of God, but bread to eat, and clothes to put on in his journey, Gen. xxviii. 20. Bene est cui deus obtulit Parca quod satis est manu; bread is enough [3747]"to strengthen the heart.”  And if you study philosophy aright, saith [3748] Maudarensis, “whatsoever is beyond this moderation, is not useful, but troublesome.” [3749]Agellius, out of Euripides, accounts bread and water enough to satisfy nature, “of which there is no surfeit, the rest is not a feast, but a riot.” [3750]S.  Hierome esteems him rich “that hath bread to eat, and a potent man that is not compelled to be a slave; hunger is not ambitious, so that it have to eat, and thirst doth not prefer a cup of gold.”  It was no epicurean speech of an epicure, he that is not satisfied with a little will never have enough:  and very good counsel of him in the [3751]poet, “O my son, mediocrity of means agrees best with men; too much is pernicious.”

Page 501

“Divitiae grandes homini sunt vivere parce,
Aequo animo.”------

And if thou canst be content, thou hast abundance, nihil est, nihil deest, thou hast little, thou wantest nothing.  ’Tis all one to be hanged in a chain of gold, or in a rope; to be filled with dainties or coarser meat.

[3752] “Si ventri bene, si lateri, pedibusque tuis, nil
        Divitiae poterunt regales addere majus.”

       “If belly, sides and feet be well at ease,
        A prince’s treasure can thee no more please.”

Socrates in a fair, seeing so many things bought and sold, such a multitude of people convented to that purpose, exclaimed forthwith, “O ye gods what a sight of things do not I want?” ’Tis thy want alone that keeps thee in health of body and mind, and that which thou persecutest and abhorrest as a feral plague is thy physician and [3753]chiefest friend, which makes thee a good man, a healthful, a sound, a virtuous, an honest and happy man.  For when virtue came from heaven (as the poet feigns) rich men kicked her up, wicked men abhorred her, courtiers scoffed at her, citizens hated her, [3754]and that she was thrust out of doors in every place, she came at last to her sister Poverty, where she had found good entertainment.  Poverty and Virtue dwell together.

[3755]  ------“O vitae tuta facultas
Pauperis, angustique lares, o munera nondum
Intellecta deum.”

How happy art thou if thou couldst be content.  “Godliness is a great gain, if a man can be content with that which he hath,” 1 Tim. vi. 6.  And all true happiness is in a mean estate.  I have a little wealth, as he said, [3756]_sed quas animus magnas facit_, a kingdom in conceit;

[3757]  ------“nil amplius opto
Maia nate, nisi ut propria haec mihi munera faxis;”

I have enough and desire no more.

[3758] “Dii bene fecerunt inopis me quodque pusilli
Fecerunt animi”------

’tis very well, and to my content. [3759]_Vestem et fortunam concinnam potius quam laxam probo_, let my fortune and my garments be both alike fit for me.  And which [3760]Sebastian Foscarinus, sometime Duke of Venice, caused to be engraven on his tomb in St. Mark’s Church, “Hear, O ye Venetians, and I will tell you which is the best thing in the world:  to contemn it.”  I will engrave it in my heart, it shall be my whole study to contemn it.  Let them take wealth, Stercora stercus amet so that I may have security:  bene qui latuit, bene vixit; though I live obscure, [3761] yet I live clean and honest; and when as the lofty oak is blown down, the silky reed may stand.  Let them take glory, for that’s their misery; let them take honour, so that I may have heart’s ease. Duc me O Jupiter et tu fatum, [3762]&c.  Lead me, O God, whither thou wilt, I am ready to follow; command, I will obey.  I do not envy at their wealth, titles, offices;

[3763] “Stet quicunque volet potens
        Aulae culmine lubrico,
        Me dulcis saturet quies.”

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let me live quiet and at ease. [3764]_Erimus fortasse_ (as he comforted himself) quando illi non erunt, when they are dead and gone, and all their pomp vanished, our memory may flourish: 

[3765]  ------“dant perennes
Stemmata non peritura Musae.”

Let him be my lord, patron, baron, earl, and possess so many goodly castles, ’tis well for me [3766]that I have a poor house, and a little wood, and a well by it, &c.

       “His me consolor victurum suavius, ac si
        Quaestor avus pater atque meus, patruusque fuissent.”

       “With which I feel myself more truly blest
        Than if my sires the quaestor’s power possess’d.”

I live, I thank God, as merrily as he, and triumph as much in this my mean estate, as if my father and uncle had been lord treasurer, or my lord mayor.  He feeds of many dishes, I of one:  [3767]_qui Christum curat, non multum curat quam de preciosis cibis stercus conficiat_, what care I of what stuff my excrements be made? [3768]"He that lives according to nature cannot be poor, and he that exceeds can never have enough,” totus non sufficit orbis, the whole world cannot give him content.  “A small thing that the righteous hath, is better than the riches of the ungodly,” Psal. xxxvii. 19; “and better is a poor morsel with quietness, than abundance with strife,” Prov. xvii. 7.  Be content then, enjoy thyself, and as [3769] Chrysostom adviseth, “be not angry for what thou hast not, but give God hearty thanks for what thou hast received.”

[3770] “Si dat oluscula
        Mensa minuscula
          pace referta,”

       “Ne pete grandia,
        Lautaque prandia
          lite repleta.”

But what wantest thou, to expostulate the matter? or what hast thou not better than a rich man? [3771]"health, competent wealth, children, security, sleep, friends, liberty, diet, apparel, and what not,” or at least mayst have (the means being so obvious, easy, and well known) for as he inculcated to himself,

[3772] “Vitam quae faciunt beatiorem,
        Jucundissime Martialis, haec sunt;
        Res non parta labore, sed relicta,
        Lis nunquam,” &c.

I say again thou hast, or at least mayst have it, if thou wilt thyself, and that which I am sure he wants, a merry heart.  “Passing by a village in the territory of Milan,” saith [3773]St. Austin, “I saw a poor beggar that had got belike his bellyful of meat, jesting and merry; I sighed, and said to some of my friends that were then with me, what a deal of trouble, madness, pain and grief do we sustain and exaggerate unto ourselves, to get that secure happiness which this poor beggar hath prevented us of, and which we peradventure shall never have?  For that which he hath now attained with the begging of some small pieces of silver, a temporal happiness, and present heart’s ease, I cannot compass with all my careful windings, and running in

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[3775] “Denique sit finis quaerendi, quoque habeas plus,
        Pauperiem metuas minus, et finire laborem
        Incipias; parto, quod avebas, utere.”

Make an end of scraping, purchasing this manor, this field, that house, for this and that child; thou hast enough for thyself and them: 

[3776]  ------“Quod petis hic est,
Est Ulubris, animus si te non deficit aequus.”

’Tis at hand, at home already, which thou so earnestly seekest.  But

------“O si angulus ille
Proximus accedat, qui nunc denormat agellum,”

O that I had but that one nook of ground, that field there, that pasture, O si venam argenti fors quis mihi monstret—­.  O that I could but find a pot of money now, to purchase, &c., to build me a new house, to marry my daughter, place my son, &c. [3777]"O if I might but live a while longer to see all things settled, some two or three years, I would pay my debts,” make all my reckonings even:  but they are come and past, and thou hast more business than before.  “O madness, to think to settle that in thine old age when thou hast more, which in thy youth thou canst not now compose having but a little.” [3778]Pyrrhus would first conquer Africa, and then Asia, et tum suaviter agere, and then live merrily and take his ease:  but when Cyneas the orator told him he might do that already, id jam posse fieri, rested satisfied, condemning his own folly. Si parva licet componere magnis, thou mayst do the like, and therefore be composed in thy fortune.  Thou hast enough:  he that is wet in a bath, can be no more wet if he be flung into Tiber, or into the ocean itself:  and if thou hadst all the world, or a solid mass of gold as big as the world, thou canst not have more than enough; enjoy thyself at length, and that which thou hast; the mind is all; be content, thou art not poor, but rich, and so much the richer as [3779]Censorinus well writ to Cerellius, quanto pauciora optas, non quo plura possides, in wishing less, not having more.  I say then, Non adjice opes, sed minue cupiditates (’tis [3780]Epicurus’ advice), add no more wealth, but diminish thy desires; and as [3781]Chrysostom well seconds him, Si vis ditari, contemne divitias; that’s true plenty, not

Page 504

Yea, but this is very good counsel, and rightly applied to such as have it, and will not use it, that have a competency, that are able to work and get their living by the sweat of their brows, by their trade, that have something yet; he that hath birds, may catch birds; but what shall we do that are slaves by nature, impotent, and unable to help ourselves, mere beggars, that languish and pine away, that have no means at all, no hope of means, no trust of delivery, or of better success? as those old Britons complained to their lords and masters the Romans oppressed by the Picts. mare ad barbaros, barbari ad mare, the barbarians drove them to the sea, the sea drove them back to the barbarians:  our present misery compels us to cry out and howl, to make our moan to rich men:  they turn us back with a scornful answer to our misfortune again, and will take no pity of us; they commonly overlook their poor friends in adversity; if they chance to meet them, they voluntarily forget and will take no notice of them; they will not, they cannot help us.  Instead of comfort they threaten us, miscall, scoff at us, to aggravate our misery, give us bad language, or if they do give good words, what’s that to relieve us?  According to that of Thales, Facile est alios monere; who cannot give good counsel? ’tis cheap, it costs them nothing.  It is an easy matter when one’s belly is full to declaim against fasting, Qui satur est pleno laudat jejunia ventre; “Doth the wild ass bray when he hath grass, or loweth the ox when he hath fodder?” Job vi. 5. [3783]_Neque enim populo Romano quidquam potest esse laetius_, no man living so jocund, so merry as the people of Rome when they had plenty; but when they came to want, to be hunger-starved, “neither shame, nor laws, nor arms, nor magistrates could keep them in obedience.”  Seneca pleadeth hard for poverty, and so did those lazy philosophers:  but in the meantime [3784]he was rich, they had wherewithal to maintain themselves; but doth any poor man extol it?  “There are those” (saith [3785] Bernard) “that approve of a mean estate, but on that condition they never want themselves:  and some again are meek so long as they may say or do what they list; but if occasion be offered, how far are they from all patience?” I would to God (as he said) [3786]"No man should commend poverty, but he that is poor,” or he that so much admires it, would relieve, help, or ease others.

Page 505

[3787] “Nunc si nos audis, atque es divinus Apollo,
        Dic mihi, qui nummos non habet, unde petat:” 

       “Now if thou hear’st us, and art a good man,
        Tell him that wants, to get means, if you can.”

But no man hears us, we are most miserably dejected, the scum of the world. [3788]_Vix habet in nobis jam nova plaga locum_.  We can get no relief, no comfort, no succour, [3789]_Et nihil inveni quod mihi ferret opem_.  We have tried all means, yet find no remedy:  no man living can express the anguish and bitterness of our souls, but we that endure it; we are distressed, forsaken, in torture of body and mind, in another hell:  and what shall we do?  When [3790]Crassus the Roman consul warred against the Parthians, after an unlucky battle fought, he fled away in the night, and left four thousand men, sore, sick, and wounded in his tents, to the fury of the enemy, which, when the poor men perceived, clamoribus et ululatibus omnia complerunt, they made lamentable moan, and roared downright, as loud as Homer’s Mars when he was hurt, which the noise of 10,000 men could not drown, and all for fear of present death.  But our estate is far more tragical and miserable, much more to be deplored, and far greater cause have we to lament; the devil and the world persecute us, all good fortune hath forsaken us, we are left to the rage of beggary, cold, hunger, thirst, nastiness, sickness, irksomeness, to continue all torment, labour and pain, to derision and contempt, bitter enemies all, and far worse than any death; death alone we desire, death we seek, yet cannot have it, and what shall we do? Quod male fers, assuesce; feres bene —­accustom thyself to it, and it will be tolerable at last.  Yea, but I may not, I cannot, In me consumpsit vires fortuna nocendo, I am in the extremity of human adversity; and as a shadow leaves the body when the sun is gone, I am now left and lost, and quite forsaken of the world. Qui jacet in terra, non habet unde cadat; comfort thyself with this yet, thou art at the worst, and before it be long it will either overcome thee or thou it.  If it be violent, it cannot endure, aut solvetur, aut solvet:  let the devil himself and all the plagues of Egypt come upon thee at once, Ne tu cede malis, sed contra audentior ito, be of good courage; misery is virtue’s whetstone.

[3791] “—­serpens, sitis, ardor, arenae,
        Dulcia virtuti,”

as Cato told his soldiers marching in the deserts of Libya, “Thirst, heat, sands, serpents, were pleasant to a valiant man;” honourable enterprises are accompanied with dangers and damages, as experience evinceth:  they will make the rest of thy life relish the better.  But put case they continue; thou art not so poor as thou wast born, and as some hold, much better to be pitied than envied.  But be it so thou hast lost all, poor thou art, dejected, in pain of body, grief of mind, thine enemies insult

Page 506

Page 507

[3805]  ------“nempe pecus, rem,
Lectos, argentum tollas licet; in manicis, et
Compedibus saevo teneas custode”------

       “Perhaps, you mean,
        My cattle, money, movables or land,
        Then take them all.—­But, slave, if I command,
        A cruel jailor shall thy freedom seize.”

[3806]"Take away his money, his treasure is in heaven:  banish him his country, he is an inhabitant of that heavenly Jerusalem:  cast him into bands, his conscience is free; kill his body, it shall rise again; he fights with a shadow that contends with an upright man:”  he will not be moved.

------“si fractus illabatur orbis,
Impavidum ferient ruinae.”

Though heaven itself should fall on his head, he will not be offended.  He is impenetrable, as an anvil hard, as constant as Job.

[3807] “Ipse deus simul atque volet me solvet opinor.”

       “A God shall set me free whene’er I please.”

Be thou such a one; let thy misery be what it will, what it can, with patience endure it; thou mayst be restored as he was. Terris proscriptus, ad coelum propera; ab hominibus desertus, ad deum fuge.  “The poor shall not always be forgotten, the patient abiding of the meek shall not perish for ever,” Psal. x. 18. ver. 9.  “The Lord will be a refuge of the oppressed, and a defence in the time of trouble.”

       “Servus Epictetus, multilati corporis, Irus
        Pauper:  at haec inter charus erat superis.”

       “Lame was Epictetus, and poor Irus,
        Yet to them both God was propitious.”

Lodovicus Vertomannus, that famous traveller, endured much misery, yet surely, saith Scaliger, he was vir deo charus, in that he did escape so many dangers, “God especially protected him, he was dear unto him:”  Modo in egestate, tribulatione, convalle deplorationis, &c.  “Thou art now in the vale of misery, in poverty, in agony,” [3808]"in temptation; rest, eternity, happiness, immortality, shall be thy reward,” as Chrysostom pleads, “if thou trust in God, and keep thine innocency.” Non si male nunc, et olim sic erit semper; a good hour may come upon a sudden; [3809] expect a little.

Yea, but this expectation is it which tortures me in the mean time; [3810] futura expectans praesentibus angor, whilst the grass grows the horse starves:  [3811]despair not, but hope well,

Page 508

[3812] “Spera Batte, tibi melius lux Crastina ducet;
Dum spiras spera”------

Cheer up, I say, be not dismayed; Spes alit agricolas:  “he that sows in tears, shall reap in joy,” Psal. cxxvi. 7.

       “Si fortune me tormente,
        Esperance me contente.”

Hope refresheth, as much as misery depresseth; hard beginnings have many times prosperous events, and that may happen at last which never was yet.  “A desire accomplished delights the soul,” Prov. xiii. 19.

[3813] “Grata superveniet quae non sperabitur hora:” 

       “Which makes m’enjoy my joys long wish’d at last,
        Welcome that hour shall come when hope is past:” 

a lowering morning may turn to a fair afternoon, [3814]_Nube solet pulsa candidus ire dies_.  “The hope that is deferred, is the fainting of the heart, but when the desire cometh, it is a tree of life,” Prov. xiii. 12, [3815]_suavissimum est voti compos fieri_.  Many men are both wretched and miserable at first, but afterwards most happy:  and oftentimes it so falls out, as [3816]Machiavel relates of Cosmo de Medici, that fortunate and renowned citizen of Europe, “that all his youth was full of perplexity, danger, and misery, till forty years were past, and then upon a sudden the sun of his honour broke out as through a cloud.”  Huniades was fetched out of prison, and Henry the Third of Portugal out of a poor monastery, to be crowned kings.

       “Multa cadunt inter calicem supremaque labra,”

       “Many things happen between the cup and the lip,”

beyond all hope and expectation many things fall out, and who knows what may happen? Nondum omnium dierum Soles occiderunt, as Philippus said, all the suns are not yet set, a day may come to make amends for all.  “Though my father and mother forsake me, yet the Lord will gather me up,” Psal. xxvii. 10.  “Wait patiently on the Lord, and hope in him,” Psal. xxxvii. 7.  “Be strong, hope and trust in the Lord, and he will comfort thee, and give thee thine heart’s desire,” Psal. xxvii. 14.

       “Sperate et vosmet rebus servate secundis.”

       “Hope, and reserve yourself for prosperity.”

Fret not thyself because thou art poor, contemned, or not so well for the present as thou wouldst be, not respected as thou oughtest to be, by birth, place, worth; or that which is a double corrosive, thou hast been happy, honourable, and rich, art now distressed and poor, a scorn of men, a burden to the world, irksome to thyself and others, thou hast lost all:  Miserum est fuisse, felicem, and as Boethius calls it, Infelicissimum genus infortunii; this made Timon half mad with melancholy, to think of his former fortunes and present misfortunes:  this alone makes many miserable wretches discontent.  I confess it is a great misery to have been happy, the quintessence of infelicity, to have been honourable and rich, but yet easily to be endured:  [3817]security succeeds, and to a judicious man a far better estate.  The loss of thy goods and money is no loss; [3818] “thou hast lost them, they would otherwise have lost thee.”  If thy money be gone, [3819]"thou art so much the lighter,” and as Saint Hierome persuades Rusticus the monk, to forsake all and follow Christ:  “Gold and silver are too heavy metals for him to carry that seeks heaven.”

Page 509

[3820] “Vel nos in mare proximum,
        Gemmas et lapides, aurum et inutile,
        Summi materiam mali
        Mittamus, scelerum si hene poenitet.”

Zeno the philosopher lost all his goods by shipwreck, [3821]he might like of it, fortune had done him a good turn:  Opes a me, animum auferre non potest:  she can take away my means, but not my mind.  He set her at defiance ever after, for she could not rob him that had nought to lose:  for he was able to contemn more than they could possess or desire.  Alexander sent a hundred talents of gold to Phocion of Athens for a present, because he heard he was a good man:  but Phocion returned his talents back again with a permitte me in posterum virum bonum esse to be a good man still; let me be as I am:  Non mi aurum posco, nec mi precium[3822]—­That Theban Crates flung of his own accord his money into the sea, abite nummi, ego vos mergam, ne mergar, a vobis, I had rather drown you, than you should drown me.  Can stoics and epicures thus contemn wealth, and shall not we that are Christians?  It was mascula vox et praeclara, a generous speech of Cotta in [3823]Sallust, “Many miseries have happened unto me at home, and in the wars abroad, of which by the help of God some I have endured, some I have repelled, and by mine own valour overcome:  courage was never wanting to my designs, nor industry to my intents:  prosperity or adversity could never alter my disposition.”  A wise man’s mind, as Seneca holds, [3824] “is like the state of the world above the moon, ever serene.”  Come then what can come, befall what may befall, infractum invictumque [3825] animum opponas:  Rebus angustis animosus atque fortis appare. (Hor. Od. 11. lib. 2.) Hope and patience are two sovereign remedies for all, the surest reposals, the softest cushions to lean on in adversity: 

[3826] “Durum sed levius fit patientia,
        Quicquid corrigere est nefas.”

       “What can’t be cured must be endured.”

If it cannot be helped, or amended, [3827]make the best of it; [3828] necessitati qui se accommodat, sapit, he is wise that suits himself to the time.  As at a game at tables, so do by all such inevitable accidents.

[3829] “Ita vita est hominum quasi cum ludas tesseris,
        Si illud quod est maxime opus jactu non cadit,
        Illud quod cecidit forte, id arte ut corrigas;”

If thou canst not fling what thou wouldst, play thy cast as well as thou canst.  Everything, saith [3830]Epictetus, hath two handles, the one to be held by, the other not:  ’tis in our choice to take and leave whether we will (all which Simplicius’s Commentator hath illustrated by many examples), and ’tis in our power, as they say, to make or mar ourselves.  Conform thyself then to thy present fortune, and cut thy coat according to thy cloth, [3831]_Ut quimus (quod aiunt) quando quod volumus non licet_, “Be contented with thy loss, state, and calling, whatsoever it is, and rest as well satisfied with thy present condition in this life:” 

Page 510

       “Este quod es; quod sunt alii, sine quamlibet esse;
        Quod non es, nolis; quod potus esse, velis.”

       “Be as thou art; and as they are, so let
        Others be still; what is and may be covert.”

And as he that is [3832]invited to a feast eats what is set before him, and looks for no other, enjoy that thou hast, and ask no more of God than what he thinks fit to bestow upon thee. Non cuivis contingit adire Corinthum, we may not be all gentlemen, all Catos, or Laelii, as Tully telleth us, all honourable, illustrious, and serene, all rich; but because mortal men want many things, [3833]"therefore,” saith Theodoret, “hath God diversely distributed his gifts, wealth to one, skill to another, that rich men might encourage and set poor men at work, poor men might learn several trades to the common good.”  As a piece of arras is composed of several parcels, some wrought of silk, some of gold, silver, crewel of diverse colours, all to serve for the exornation of the whole:  music is made of diverse discords and keys, a total sum of many small numbers, so is a commonwealth of several unequal trades and callings. [3834]If all should be Croesi and Darii, all idle, all in fortunes equal, who should till the land?  As [3835]Menenius Agrippa well satisfied the tumultuous rout of Rome, in his elegant apologue of the belly and the rest of the members.  Who should build houses, make our several stuffs for raiments?  We should all be starved for company, as Poverty declared at large in Aristophanes’ Plutus, and sue at last to be as we were at first.  And therefore God hath appointed this inequality of states, orders, and degrees, a subordination, as in all other things.  The earth yields nourishment to vegetables, sensible creatures feed on vegetables, both are substitutes to reasonable souls, and men are subject amongst themselves, and all to higher powers, so God would have it.  All things then being rightly examined and duly considered as they ought, there is no such cause of so general discontent, ’tis not in the matter itself, but in our mind, as we moderate our passions and esteem of things. Nihil aliud necessarium ut sis miser (saith [3836]Cardan) quam ut te miserum credas, let thy fortune be what it will, ’tis thy mind alone that makes thee poor or rich, miserable or happy. Vidi ego (saith divine Seneca) in villa hilari et amaena maestos, et media solitudine occupatos; non locus, sed animus facit ad tranquillitatem.  I have seen men miserably dejected in a pleasant village, and some again well occupied and at good ease in a solitary desert.  ’Tis the mind not the place causeth tranquillity, and that gives true content.  I will yet add a word or two for a corollary.  Many rich men, I dare boldly say it, that lie on down beds, with delicacies pampered every day, in their well-furnished houses, live at less heart’s ease, with more anguish, more bodily pain, and through their intemperance,

Page 511

       “Parentes, patriam, amicos, genus, cognates, divitias,
        Haec perinde sunt ac illius animus qui ea possidet;
        Qui uti scit, ei bona; qui utitur non recte, mala.”

“Parents, friends, fortunes, country, birth, alliance, &c., ebb and flow with our conceit; please or displease, as we accept and construe them, or apply them to ourselves.” Faber quisque fortunae suae, and in some sort I may truly say, prosperity and adversity are in our own hands. Nemo laeditur nisi a seipso, and which Seneca confirms out of his judgment and experience. [3841]"Every man’s mind is stronger than fortune, and leads him to what side he will; a cause to himself each one is of his good or bad life.”  But will we, or nill we, make the worst of it, and suppose a man in the greatest extremity, ’tis a fortune which some indefinitely prefer before prosperity; of two extremes it is the best. Luxuriant animi rebus plerumque secundis, men in [3842]prosperity forget God and themselves, they are besotted with their wealth, as birds with henbane:  [3843] miserable if fortune forsake them, but more miserable if she tarry and overwhelm them:  for when they come to be in great place, rich, they that were most temperate, sober, and discreet in their private fortunes, as Nero, Otho, Vitellius, Heliogabalus (optimi imperatores nisi imperassent) degenerate on a sudden into brute beasts, so prodigious in lust, such tyrannical oppressors, &c., they cannot moderate themselves, they become monsters, odious, harpies, what not? Cum triumphos, opes, honores adepti sunt, ad voluptatem et otium deinceps se convertunt:  ’twas [3844]Cato’s note, “they cannot contain.”  For that cause belike

[3845] “Eutrapilus cuicunque nocere volebat,
        Vestimenta dabat pretiosa:  beatus enim jam,
        Cum pulchris tunicis sumet nova consilia et spes,
        Dormiet in lucem scorto, postponet honestum
        Officium”------

       “Eutrapilus when he would hurt a knave,
        Gave him gay clothes and wealth to make him brave: 
        Because now rich he would quite change his mind,
        Keep whores, fly out, set honesty behind.”

On the other side, in adversity many mutter and repine, despair, &c., both bad, I confess,

Page 512

[3846]  ------“ut calceus olim
Si pede major erit, subvertet:  si minor, uret.”

“As a shoe too big or too little, one pincheth, the other sets the foot awry,” sed e malis minimum.  If adversity hath killed his thousand, prosperity hath killed his ten thousand:  therefore adversity is to be preferred; [3847]_haec froeno indiget, illa solatio:  illa fallit, haec instruit_:  the one deceives, the other instructs; the one miserably happy, the other happily miserable; and therefore many philosophers have voluntarily sought adversity, and so much commend it in their precepts.  Demetrius, in Seneca, esteemed it a great infelicity, that in his lifetime he had no misfortune, miserum cui nihil unquam accidisset, adversi.  Adversity then is not so heavily to be taken, and we ought not in such cases so much to macerate ourselves:  there is no such odds in poverty and riches.  To conclude in [3848]Hierom’s words, “I will ask our magnificoes that build with marble, and bestow a whole manor on a thread, what difference between them and Paul the Eremite, that bare old man?  They drink in jewels, he in his hand:  he is poor and goes to heaven, they are rich and go to hell.”

MEMB.  IV.
Against Servitude, Loss of Liberty, Imprisonment, Banishment.

Servitude, loss of liberty, imprisonment, are no such miseries as they are held to be:  we are slaves and servants the best of us all:  as we do reverence our masters, so do our masters their superiors:  gentlemen serve nobles, and nobles subordinate to kings, omne sub regno graviore regnum, princes themselves are God’s servants, reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis.  They are subject to their own laws, and as the kings of China endure more than slavish imprisonment, to maintain their state and greatness, they never come abroad.  Alexander was a slave to fear, Caesar of pride, Vespasian to his money (nihil enim refert, rerum sis servus an hominum), [3849] Heliogabalus to his gut, and so of the rest.  Lovers are slaves to their mistresses, rich men to their gold, courtiers generally to lust and ambition, and all slaves to our affections, as Evangelus well discourseth in [3850]Macrobius, and [3851]Seneca the philosopher, assiduam servitutem extremam et ineluctabilem he calls it, a continual slavery, to be so captivated by vices; and who is free?  Why then dost thou repine? Satis est potens, Hierom saith, qui servire non cogitur.  Thou carriest no burdens, thou art no prisoner, no drudge, and thousands want that liberty, those pleasures which thou hast.  Thou art not sick, and what wouldst thou have?  But nitimur in vetitum, we must all eat of the forbidden fruit.  Were we enjoined to go to such and such places, we would not willingly go:  but being barred of our liberty, this alone torments our wandering soul that we may not go.  A citizen of ours, saith [3852]Cardan, was sixty years of age, and had never been forth of the walls of the city of Milan; the prince hearing of it, commanded him not to stir out:  being now forbidden that which all his life he had neglected, he earnestly desired, and being denied, dolore confectus mortem, obiit, he died for grief.

Page 513

What I have said of servitude, I again say of imprisonment, we are all prisoners. [3853]What is our life but a prison?  We are all imprisoned in an island.  The world itself to some men is a prison, our narrow seas as so many ditches, and when they have compassed the globe of the earth, they would fain go see what is done in the moon.  In [3854]Muscovy and many other northern parts, all over Scandia, they are imprisoned half the year in stoves, they dare not peep out for cold.  At [3855]Aden in Arabia they are penned in all day long with that other extreme of heat, and keep their markets in the night.  What is a ship but a prison?  And so many cities are but as so many hives of bees, anthills; but that which thou abhorrest, many seek:  women keep in all winter, and most part of summer, to preserve their beauties; some for love of study:  Demosthenes shaved his beard because he would cut off all occasions from going abroad:  how many monks and friars, anchorites, abandon the world. Monachus in urbe, piscis in arido.  Art in prison?  Make right use of it, and mortify thyself; [3856] “Where may a man contemplate better than in solitariness,” or study more than in quietness?  Many worthy men have been imprisoned all their lives, and it hath been occasion of great honour and glory to them, much public good by their excellent meditation. [3857]Ptolomeus king of Egypt, cum viribus attenuatis infirma valetudine laboraret, miro descendi studio affectus, &c. now being taken with a grievous infirmity of body that he could not stir abroad, became Strato’s scholar, fell hard to his book, and gave himself wholly to contemplation, and upon that occasion (as mine author adds), pulcherrimum regiae opulentiae monumentum, &c., to his great honour built that renowned library at Alexandria, wherein were 40,000 volumes.  Severinus Boethius never writ so elegantly as in prison, Paul so devoutly, for most of his epistles were dictated in his bands:  “Joseph,” saith [3858]Austin, “got more credit in prison, than when he distributed corn, and was lord of Pharaoh’s house.”  It brings many a lewd, riotous fellow home, many wandering rogues it settles, that would otherwise have been like raving tigers, ruined themselves and others.

Banishment is no grievance at all, Omne solum forti patria, &c. et patria est ubicunque bene est, that’s a man’s country where he is well at ease.  Many travel for pleasure to that city, saith Seneca, to which thou art banished, and what a part of the citizens are strangers born in other places? [3859]_Incolentibus patria_, ’tis their country that are born in it, and they would think themselves banished to go to the place which thou leavest, and from which thou art so loath to depart.  ’Tis no disparagement to be a stranger, or so irksome to be an exile. [3860]"The rain is a stranger to the earth, rivers to the sea, Jupiter in Egypt, the sun to us all.  The soul is an alien to the body, a nightingale to the air, a swallow in a house,

Page 514

MEMB.  V.
Against Sorrow for Death of Friends or otherwise, vain Fear, &c.

Death and departure of friends are things generally grievous, [3863] Omnium quae in humana vita contingunt, luctus atque mors sunt acerbissima, the most austere and bitter accidents that can happen to a man in this life, in aeternum valedicere, to part for ever, to forsake the world and all our friends, ’tis ultimum terribilium, the last and the greatest terror, most irksome and troublesome unto us, [3864]_Homo toties moritur, quoties amittit suos_.  And though we hope for a better life, eternal happiness, after these painful and miserable days, yet we cannot compose ourselves willingly to die; the remembrance of it is most grievous unto us, especially to such who are fortunate and rich:  they start at the name of

Page 515

[3867] “Sed totum hoc studium luctu fraterna mihi mors
        Abstulit, hei misero frater adempte mihi?”

       “My brother’s death my study hath undone,
        Woe’s me, alas my brother he is gone.”

Mezentius would not live after his son: 

[3868] “Nunc vivo, nec adhuc homines lucemque relinquo,
Sed linquam”------

And Pompey’s wife cried out at the news of her husband’s death,

[3869] “Turpe mori post te solo non posse dolore,
        Violenta luctu et nescia tolerandi,”

as [3870]Tacitus of Agrippina, not able to moderate her passions.  So when she heard her son was slain, she abruptly broke off her work, changed countenance and colour, tore her hair, and fell a roaring downright.

[3871]  ------“subitus miserae color ossa reliquit,
Excussi manibus radii, revolutaque pensa: 
Evolat infelix et foemineo ululatu
Scissa comam”------

Another would needs run upon the sword’s point after Euryalus’ departure,

[3872] “Figite me, si qua est pietas, in me omnia tela
Conjicite o Rutili;”------

O let me die, some good man or other make an end of me.  How did Achilles take on for Patroclus’ departure?  A black cloud of sorrows overshadowed him, saith Homer.  Jacob rent his clothes, put sackcloth about his loins, sorrowed for his son a long season, and could not be comforted, but would needs go down into the grave unto his son, Gen. xxxvii. 37.  Many years after, the remembrance of such friends, of such accidents, is most grievous unto us, to see or hear of it, though it concern not ourselves but others.  Scaliger saith of himself, that he never read Socrates’ death, in Plato’s Phaedon, but he wept:  [3873]Austin shed tears when he read the destruction of Troy.  But howsoever this passion of sorrow be violent, bitter, and seizeth familiarly on wise, valiant, discreet men, yet it may surely be withstood, it may be diverted.  For what is there in this life, that it should be so dear unto us? or that we should so much deplore the departure of a friend?  The greatest pleasures are common society, to enjoy one another’s presence, feasting, hawking, hunting, brooks, woods, hills, music, dancing, &c. all this is but vanity and loss of time, as I have sufficiently declared.

[3874]  ------“dum bibimus, dum serta, unguenta, puellas
Poscimus, obrepit non intellecta senectus.”

       “Whilst we drink, prank ourselves, with wenches dally,
        Old age upon’s at unawares doth sally.”

Page 516

As alchemists spend that small modicum they have to get gold, and never find it, we lose and neglect eternity, for a little momentary pleasure which we cannot enjoy, nor shall ever attain to in this life.  We abhor death, pain, and grief, all, yet we will do nothing of that which should vindicate us from, but rather voluntarily thrust ourselves upon it. [3875] “The lascivious prefers his whore before his life, or good estate; an angry man his revenge:  a parasite his gut; ambitious, honours; covetous, wealth; a thief his booty; a soldier his spoil; we abhor diseases, and yet we pull them upon us.”  We are never better or freer from cares than when we sleep, and yet, which we so much avoid and lament, death is but a perpetual sleep; and why should it, as [3876]Epicurus argues, so much affright us?  “When we are, death is not:  but when death is, then we are not:”  our life is tedious and troublesome unto him that lives best; [3877]"’tis a misery to be born, a pain to live, a trouble to die:”  death makes an end of our miseries, and yet we cannot consider of it; a little before [3878]Socrates drank his portion of cicuta, he bid the citizens of Athens cheerfully farewell, and concluded his speech with this short sentence; “My time is now come to be gone, I to my death, you to live on; but which of these is best, God alone knows.”  For there is no pleasure here but sorrow is annexed to it, repentance follows it. [3879]"If I feed liberally, I am likely sick or surfeit:  if I live sparingly my hunger and thirst is not allayed; I am well neither full nor fasting; if I live honest, I burn in lust;” if I take my pleasure, I tire and starve myself, and do injury to my body and soul. [3880]"Of so small a quantity of mirth, how much sorrow? after so little pleasure, how great misery?” ’Tis both ways troublesome to me, to rise and go to bed, to eat and provide my meat; cares and contentions attend me all day long, fears and suspicions all my life.  I am discontented, and why should I desire so much to live?  But a happy death will make an end of all our woes and miseries; omnibus una meis certa medela malis; why shouldst not thou then say with old Simeon since thou art so well affected, “Lord now let thy servant depart in peace:”  or with Paul, “I desire to be dissolved, and to be with Christ”? Beata mors quae ad beatam vitam aditum aperit, ’tis a blessed hour that leads us to a [3881]blessed life, and blessed are they that die in the Lord.  But life is sweet, and death is not so terrible in itself as the concomitants of it, a loathsome disease, pain, horror, &c. and many times the manner of it, to be hanged, to be broken on the wheel, to be burned alive. [3882]Servetus the heretic, that suffered in Geneva, when he was brought to the stake, and saw the executioner come with fire in his hand, homo viso igne tam horrendum exclamavit, ut universum populum perterrefecerit, roared so loud, that he terrified the people.  An old stoic would have scorned this.  It troubles some to be unburied, or so: 

Page 517

------“non te optima mater
Condet humi, patriove onerabit membra sepulchro;
Alitibus linguere feris, et gurgite mersum
Unda feret, piscesque impasti vulnera lambent.”

       “Thy gentle parents shall not bury thee,
        Amongst thine ancestors entomb’d to be,
        But feral fowl thy carcass shall devour,
        Or drowned corps hungry fish maws shall scour.”

As Socrates told Crito, it concerns me not what is done with me when I am dead; Facilis jactura sepulchri:  I care not so long as I feel it not; let them set mine head on the pike of Tenerife, and my quarters in the four parts of the world,—­pascam licet in cruce corvos, let wolves or bears devour me;—­[3883]_Caelo tegitur qui non habet urnam_, the canopy of heaven covers him that hath no tomb.  So likewise for our friends, why should their departure so much trouble us?  They are better as we hope, and for what then dost thou lament, as those do whom Paul taxed in his time, 1 Thes. iv. 13. “that have no hope”?  ’Tis fit there should be some solemnity.

[3884] “Sed sepelire decet defunctum, pectore forti,
        Constantes, unumque diem fletui indulgentes.”

Job’s friends said not a word to him the first seven days, but let sorrow and discontent take their course, themselves sitting sad and silent by him.  When Jupiter himself wept for Sarpedon, what else did the poet insinuate, but that some sorrow is good

[3885] “Quis matrem nisi mentis inops in funere nati
Flere vetat?”------

who can blame a tender mother if she weep for her children?  Beside, as [3886]Plutarch holds, ’tis not in our power not to lament, Indolentia non cuivis contingit, it takes away mercy and pity, not to be sad; ’tis a natural passion to weep for our friends, an irresistible passion to lament and grieve.  “I know not how” (saith Seneca) “but sometimes ’tis good to be miserable in misery:  and for the most part all grief evacuates itself by tears,”

[3887]  ------“est quaedam flere voluptas,
Expletur lachrymis egeriturque dolor:” 

“yet after a day’s mourning or two, comfort thyself for thy heaviness,” Eccles. xxxviii. 17. [3888]_Non decet defunctum ignavo quaestu prosequi_; ‘twas Germanicus’ advice of old, that we should not dwell too long upon our passions, to be desperately sad, immoderate grievers, to let them tyrannise, there’s indolentiae, ars, a medium to be kept:  we do not (saith [3889]Austin) forbid men to grieve, but to grieve overmuch.  “I forbid not a man to be angry, but I ask for what cause he is so?  Not to be sad, but why is he sad?  Not to fear, but wherefore is he afraid?” I require a moderation as well as a just reason. [3890]The Romans and most civil commonwealths have set a time to such solemnities, they must not mourn after a set day, “or if in a family a child be born, a daughter or son married, some state or honour be conferred, a brother be redeemed from his bands, a friend from

Page 518

[3897] “Constat aeterna positumque lege est,
        Ut constet genitum nihil.”

It cannot be revoked, we are all mortal, and these all commanding gods and princes “die like men:"[3898]—­involvit humile pariter et celsum caput, aquatque summis infima.  “O weak condition of human estate,” Sylvius exclaims:  [3899]Ladislaus, king of Bohemia, eighteen years of age, in the flower of his youth, so potent, rich, fortunate and happy, in the midst of all his friends, amongst so many [3900]physicians, now ready to be [3901] married, in thirty-six hours sickened and died.  We must so be gone sooner or later all, and as Calliopeius in the comedy took his leave of his spectators and auditors, Vos valete et plaudite, Calliopeius recensui, must we bid the world farewell (Exit Calliopeius), and having now played our parts, for ever be gone.  Tombs and monuments have the like fate, data sunt ipsis quoque fata sepulchris, kingdoms, provinces, towns, and cities have their periods, and are consumed.  In those flourishing times of Troy, Mycenae was the fairest city in Greece, Graeciae cunctae imperitabat, but it, alas, and that [3902]"Assyrian Nineveh are quite overthrown:”  the like fate hath that Egyptian and Boeotian Thebes, Delos, commune Graeciae, conciliabulum, the common council-house of Greece, [3903]and Babylon, the greatest city that ever the sun shone on, hath now nothing but walls and rubbish left. [3904]_Quid Pandioniae restat nisi nomen Athenae_?  Thus [3905]Pausanias

Page 519

[3908]"Returning out of Asia, when I sailed from Aegina toward Megara, I began” (saith Servius Sulpicius, in a consolatory epistle of his to Tully) “to view the country round about.  Aegina was behind me, Megara before, Piraeus on the right hand, Corinth on the left, what flourishing towns heretofore, now prostrate and overwhelmed before mine eyes?  I began to think with myself, alas, why are we men so much disquieted with the departure of a friend, whose life is much shorter? [3909]When so many goodly cities lie buried before us.  Remember, O Servius, thou art a man; and with that I was much confirmed, and corrected myself.”  Correct then likewise, and comfort thyself in this, that we must necessarily die, and all die, that we shall rise again:  as Tully held; Jucundiorque multo congressus noster futurus, quam insuavis et acerbus digressus, our second meeting shall be much more pleasant than our departure was grievous.

Aye, but he was my most dear and loving friend, my sole friend,

[3910] “Quis deciderio sit pudor aut modus
Tam chari capitis?”------

       “And who can blame my woe?”

Thou mayst be ashamed, I say with [3911]Seneca, to confess it, “in such a [3912]tempest as this to have but one anchor,” go seek another:  and for his part thou dost him great injury to desire his longer life. [3913]"Wilt thou have him crazed and sickly still,” like a tired traveller that comes weary to his inn, begin his journey afresh, “or to be freed from his miseries; thou hast more need rejoice that he is gone.”  Another complains of a most sweet wife, a young wife, Nondum sustulerat flavum Proserpina crinem, such a wife as no mortal man ever had, so good a wife, but she is now dead and gone, laethaeoque jacet condita sarcophago.  I reply to him in Seneca’s words, if such a woman at least ever was to be had, [3914]"He did either so find or make her; if he found her, he may as happily find another;” if he made her, as Critobulus in Xenophon did by his, he

Page 520

[3916] “Impube pectus quale vel impia
        Molliret Thracum pectora.”

------“He now lies asleep,
Would make an impious Thracian weep.”

Or some fine daughter that died young, Nondum experta novi gaudia prima tori.  Or a forlorn son for his deceased father.  But why? Prior exiit, prior intravit, he came first, and he must go first. [3917]_Tu frustra pius, heu_, &c.  What, wouldst thou have the laws of nature altered, and him to live always?  Julius Caesar, Augustus, Alcibiades, Galen, Aristotle, lost their fathers young.  And why on the other side shouldst thou so heavily take the death of thy little son?

[3918] “Num quia nec fato, merita nec morte peribat,
Sed miser ante diem”------

he died before his time, perhaps, not yet come to the solstice of his age, yet was he not mortal?  Hear that divine [3919]Epictetus, “If thou covet thy wife, friends, children should live always, thou art a fool.”  He was a fine child indeed, dignus Apollineis lachrymis, a sweet, a loving, a fair, a witty child, of great hope, another Eteoneus, whom Pindarus the poet and Aristides the rhetorician so much lament; but who can tell whether he would have been an honest man?  He might have proved a thief, a rogue, a spendthrift, a disobedient son, vexed and galled thee more than all the world beside, he might have wrangled with thee and disagreed, or with his brothers, as Eteocles and Polynices, and broke thy heart; he is now gone to eternity, as another Ganymede, in the [3920]flower of his youth, “as if he had risen,” saith [3921]Plutarch, “from the midst of a feast” before he was drunk, “the longer he had lived, the worse he would have been,” et quo vita longior, (Ambrose thinks) culpa numerosior, more sinful, more to answer he would have had.  If he was naught, thou mayst be glad he is gone; if good, be glad thou hadst such a son.  Or art thou sure he was good?  It may be he was an hypocrite, as many are, and howsoever he spake thee fair, peradventure he prayed, amongst the rest that Icaro Menippus heard at Jupiter’s whispering place in Lucian, for his father’s death, because he now kept him short, he was to inherit much goods, and many fair manors after his decease.  Or put case he was very good, suppose the best, may not thy dead son expostulate with thee, as he did in the same [3922]Lucian, “why dost thou lament my death, or call me miserable that am much more happy than

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       “Excessi e vitae aerumnis facilisque lubensque
        Ne perjora ipsa morte dehinc videam.”

       “I left this irksome life with all mine heart,
        Lest worse than death should happen to my part.”

[3925]Cardinal Brundusinus caused this epitaph in Rome to be inscribed on his tomb, to show his willingness to die, and tax those that were so both to depart.  Weep and howl no more then, ’tis to small purpose; and as Tully adviseth us in the like case, Non quos amisimus, sed quantum lugere par sit cogitemus:  think what we do, not whom we have lost.  So David did, 2 Sam. xxii., “While the child was yet alive, I fasted and wept; but being now dead, why should I fast?  Can I bring him again?  I shall go to him, but he cannot return to me.”  He that doth otherwise is an intemperate, a weak, a silly, and indiscreet man.  Though Aristotle deny any part of intemperance to be conversant about sorrow, I am of [3926]Seneca’s mind, “he that is wise is temperate, and he that is temperate is constant, free from passion, and he that is such a one, is without sorrow,” as all wise men should be.  The [3927]Thracians wept still when a child was born, feasted and made mirth when any man was buried:  and so should we rather be glad for such as die well, that they are so happily freed from the miseries of this life.  When Eteoneus, that noble young Greek, was so generally lamented by his friends, Pindarus the poet feigns some god saying, Silete homines, non enim miser est, &c. be quiet good folks, this young man is not so miserable as you think; he is neither gone to Styx nor Acheron, sed gloriosus et senii expers heros, he lives for ever in the Elysian fields.  He now enjoys that happiness which your great kings so earnestly seek, and wears that garland for which ye contend.  If our present weakness is such, we cannot moderate our passions in this behalf, we must divert them by all means, by doing something else, thinking of another subject.  The Italians most part sleep away care and grief, if it unseasonably seize upon them, Danes, Dutchmen, Polanders and Bohemians drink it down, our countrymen

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[3931] “Nam quisquis trepidus pavet vel optat,
        Abjecit clypeum, locoque motus
        Nectit qua valeat trahi catenam.”

“For he that so faints or fears, and yields to his passion, flings away his own weapons, makes a cord to bind himself, and pulls a beam upon his own head.”

MEMB.  VI. Against Envy, Livor, Emulation, Hatred, Ambition, Self-love, and all other Affections.

Against those other [3932]passions and affections, there is no better remedy than as mariners when they go to sea, provide all things necessary to resist a tempest:  to furnish ourselves with philosophical and Divine precepts, other men’s examples, [3933]_Periculum ex aliis facere, sibi quod ex usu siet_:  To balance our hearts with love, charity, meekness, patience, and counterpoise those irregular motions of envy, livor, spleen, hatred, with their opposite virtues, as we bend a crooked staff another way, to oppose [3934]"sufferance to labour, patience to reproach,” bounty to covetousness, fortitude to pusillanimity, meekness to anger, humility to pride, to examine ourselves for what cause we are so much disquieted, on what ground, what occasion, is it just or feigned?  And then either to pacify ourselves by reason, to divert by some other object, contrary passion, or premeditation. [3935]_Meditari secum oportet quo pacto adversam aerumnam ferat, Paricla, damna, exilia peregre rediens semper cogitet, aut filii peccatum, aut uxoris mortem, aut morbum filiae, communia esse haec:  fieri posse, ut ne quid animo sit novum_.  To make them familiar, even all kind of calamities, that when they happen they may be less troublesome unto us. In secundis meditare, quo pacto feras adversa:  or out of mature judgment to avoid the effect, or disannul the cause, as they do that are troubled with toothache, pull them quite out.

[3936] “Ut vivat castor, sibi testes amputat ipse;
        Tu quoque siqua nocent, abjice, tutus eris.”

       “The beaver bites off’s stones to save the rest: 
        Do thou the like with that thou art opprest.”

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Or as they that play at wasters, exercise themselves by a few cudgels how to avoid an enemy’s blows:  let us arm ourselves against all such violent incursions, which may invade our minds.  A little experience and practice will inure us to it; vetula vulpes, as the proverb saith, laqueo haud capitur, an old fox is not so easily taken in a snare; an old soldier in the world methinks should not be disquieted, but ready to receive all fortunes, encounters, and with that resolute captain, come what may come, to make answer,

[3937]  ------“non ulla laborum
O virgo nova mi facies inopinaque surgit,
Omnia percepi atque animo mecum ante peregi.”

       “No labour comes at unawares to me,
        For I have long before cast what may be.”

[3938]  ------“non hoc primum mea pectora vulnus
Senserunt, graviora tuli”------

The commonwealth of [3939]Venice in their armoury have this inscription, “Happy is that city which in time of peace thinks of war,” a fit motto for every man’s private house; happy is the man that provides for a future assault.  But many times we complain, repine and mutter without a cause, we give way to passions we may resist, and will not.  Socrates was bad by nature, envious, as he confessed to Zophius the physiognomer, accusing him of it, froward and lascivious:  but as he was Socrates, he did correct and amend himself.  Thou art malicious, envious, covetous, impatient, no doubt, and lascivious, yet as thou art a Christian, correct and moderate thyself.  ’Tis something, I confess, and able to move any man, to see himself contemned, obscure, neglected, disgraced, undervalued, [3940]"left behind;” some cannot endure it, no not constant Lipsius, a man discreet otherwise, yet too weak and passionate in this, as his words express, [3941]_collegas olim, quos ego sine fremitu non intueor, nuper terrae filios, nunc Maecenates et Agrippas habeo,—­summo jam monte potitos_.  But he was much to blame for it:  to a wise staid man this is nothing, we cannot all be honoured and rich, all Caesars; if we will be content, our present state is good, and in some men’s opinion to be preferred.  Let them go on, get wealth, offices, titles, honours, preferments, and what they will themselves, by chance, fraud, imposture, simony, and indirect means, as too many do, by bribery, flattery, and parasitical insinuation, by impudence and time-serving, let them climb up to advancement in despite of virtue, let them “go before, cross me on every side,” me non offendunt modo non in, oculos incurrant, [3942]as he said, correcting his former error, they do not offend me, so long as they run not into mine eyes.  I am inglorious and poor, composita paupertate, but I live secure and quiet:  they are dignified, have great means, pomp, and state, they are glorious; but what have they with it? [3943]"Envy, trouble, anxiety, as much labour to maintain their place with credit, as to get it at first.”  I am contented with my

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[3946]  ------“me mea tellus
Lare secreto tutoque tegat,”

“I am well pleased with my fortunes,” [3947]_Vivo et regno simul ista relinquens_.

I have learned “in what state soever I am, therewith to be contented,” Philip, iv 11.  Come what can come, I am prepared. Nave ferar magna an parva, ferar unus et idem.  I am the same.  I was once so mad to bustle abroad, and seek about for preferment, tire myself, and trouble all my friends, sed nihil labor tantus profecit nam dum alios amicorum mors avocat, aliis ignotus sum, his invisus, alii large promittunt, intercedunt illi mecum soliciti, hi vana spe lactant; dum alios ambio, hos capto, illis innotesco, aetas perit, anni defluunt, amici fatigantur, ego deferor, et jam, mundi taesus, humanaeque satur infidelitatis acquiesco. [3948]And so I say still; although I may not deny, but that I have had some [3949] bountiful patrons, and noble benefactors, ne sim interim ingratus, and I do thankfully acknowledge it, I have received some kindness, quod Deus illis beneficium rependat, si non pro votis, fortasse pro meritis, more peradventure than I deserve, though not to my desire, more of them than I did expect, yet not of others to my desert; neither am I ambitious or covetous, for this while, or a Suffenus to myself; what I have said, without prejudice or alteration shall stand.  And now as a mired horse that struggles at first with all his might and main to get out, but when he sees no remedy, that his beating will not serve, lies still, I have laboured in vain, rest satisfied, and if I may usurp that of [3950]Prudentius,

       “Inveni portum; spes et fortuna valete,
        Nil mihi vobiscum, ludite nunc alios.”

       “Mine haven’s found, fortune and hope adieu,
        Mock others now, for I have done with you.”

MEMB.  VII. Against Repulse, Abuses, Injuries, Contempts, Disgraces, Contumelies, Slanders, Scoffs, &c.

I may not yet conclude, think to appease passions, or quiet the mind, till such time as I have likewise removed some other of their more eminent and ordinary causes, which produce so grievous tortures and discontents:  to divert all, I cannot hope; to point alone at some few of the chiefest, is that which I aim at.

Page 525

Repulse.] Repulse and disgrace are two main causes of discontent, but to an understanding man not so hardly to be taken.  Caesar himself hath been denied, [3951]and when two stand equal in fortune, birth, and all other qualities alike, one of necessity must lose.  Why shouldst thou take it so grievously?  It hath a familiar thing for thee thyself to deny others.  If every man might have what he would, we should all be deified, emperors, kings, princes; if whatsoever vain hope suggests, insatiable appetite affects, our preposterous judgment thinks fit were granted, we should have another chaos in an instant, a mere confusion.  It is some satisfaction to him that is repelled, that dignities, honours, offices, are not always given by desert or worth, but for love, affinity, friendship, affection, [3952]great men’s letters, or as commonly they are bought and sold. [3953]"Honours in court are bestowed not according to men’s virtues and good conditions” (as an old courtier observes), “but as every man hath means, or more potent friends, so he is preferred.”  With us in France ([3954]for so their own countryman relates) “most part the matter is carried by favour and grace; he that can get a great man to be his mediator, runs away with all the preferment.” Indignissimus plerumque praefertur, Vatinius Catoni, illaudatus laudatissimo;

[3955]  ------“servi dominantur; aselli
Ornantur phaleris, dephalerantur equi.”

An illiterate fool sits in a man’s seat, and the common people hold him learned, grave and wise.  “One professeth” ([3956]Cardan well notes) “for a thousand crowns, but he deserves not ten, when as he that deserves a thousand cannot get ten.” Solarium non dat multis salem. As good horses draw in carts, as coaches.  And oftentimes, which Machiavel seconds, [3957] Principes non sunt qui ob insignem virtutem principatu digni sunt, he that is most worthy wants employment; he that hath skill to be a pilot wants a ship, and he that could govern a commonwealth, a world itself, a king in conceit, wants means to exercise his worth, hath not a poor office to manage, and yet all this while he is a better man that is fit to reign, etsi careat regno, though he want a kingdom, [3958]"than he that hath one, and knows not how to rule it:”  a lion serves not always his keeper, but oftentimes the keeper the lion, and as [3959]Polydore Virgil hath it, multi reges ut pupilli ob inscitiam non regunt sed reguntur.  Hieron of Syracuse was a brave king, but wanted a kingdom; Perseus of Macedon had nothing of a king, but the bare name and title, for he could not govern it:  so great places are often ill bestowed, worthy persons unrespected.  Many times, too, the servants have more means than the masters whom they serve, which [3960]Epictetus counts an eyesore and inconvenient.  But who can help it?  It is an ordinary thing in these days to see a base impudent ass, illiterate, unworthy, insufficient, to be preferred before his

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Injuries, abuses, are very offensive, and so much the more in that they think veterem ferendo invitant novam, “by taking one they provoke another:”  but it is an erroneous opinion, for if that were true, there would be no end of abusing each other; lis litem generat; ’tis much better with patience to bear, or quietly to put it up.  If an ass kick me, saith Socrates, shall I strike him again?  And when [3975]his wife Xantippe struck and misused him, to some friends that would have had him strike her again, he replied, that he would not make them sport, or that they should stand by and say, Eia Socrates, eia Xantippe, as we do when dogs fight, animate them the more by clapping of hands.  Many men spend themselves, their goods, friends, fortunes, upon small quarrels, and sometimes at other men’s procurements, with much vexation of spirit and anguish of mind, all which with good advice, or mediation of friends, might have been happily composed, or if patience had taken place.  Patience in such cases is a most sovereign remedy, to put up, conceal, or dissemble it, to [3976]forget and forgive, [3977]"not seven, but seventy-seven times, as often as he repents forgive him;” Luke xvii. 3. as our Saviour enjoins us, stricken, “to turn the other side:”  as our [3978]Apostle persuades us, “to recompense no man evil for evil, but as much as is possible to have peace with all men:  not to avenge ourselves, and we shall heap burning coals upon our adversary’s head.”  “For [3979]if you put up wrong” (as Chrysostom comments), “you get the victory; he that loseth his money, loseth not the conquest in this our philosophy.”  If he contend with thee, submit thyself unto him first, yield to him. Durum et durum non faciunt murum, as the diverb is, two refractory spirits will never agree, the only means to overcome is to relent, obsequio vinces.  Euclid in Plutarch, when his brother had angered him, swore he would be revenged; but he gently replied, [3980]"Let me not live if I do not make thee to love me again,” upon which meek answer he was pacified.

[3981] “Flectitur obsequio curvatus ab arbore ramus,
        Frangis si vires experire tuas.”

       “A branch if easily bended yields to thee,
        Pull hard it breaks:  the difference you see.”

The noble family of the Colonni in Rome, when they were expelled the city by that furious Alexander the Sixth, gave the bending branch therefore as an impress, with this motto, Flecti potest, frangi non potest, to signify that he might break them by force, but so never make them stoop, for they fled in the midst of their hard usage to the kingdom of Naples, and were honourably entertained by Frederick the king, according to their callings.  Gentleness in this case might have done much more, and let thine adversary be never so perverse, it may be by that means thou mayst win him; [3982] favore et benevolentia etiam immanis animus mansuescit, soft words pacify wrath, and the fiercest spirits are so soonest overcome; [3983]a generous lion will not hurt a beast that lies prostrate, nor an elephant an innocuous creature, but is infestus infestis, a terror and scourge alone to such as are stubborn, and make resistance.  It was the symbol of Emanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and he was not mistaken in it, for